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Monday, June 9, 2025

APD and Caribbean families

by

20130722

A few weeks back the T&T Guardian car­ried a col­umn by British High Com­mis­sion­er Arthur Snell about Air Pas­sen­ger Du­ty (APD). It de­fend­ed the tar­iff and point­ed out: 1) sta­tis­ti­cal­ly there is no ev­i­dence to say APD stops tourism to the Caribbean; 2) the main prob­lem with the Caribbean tourism prod­uct is it is too ex­pen­sive; and 3) that APD "aims to off­set the neg­a­tive en­vi­ron­men­tal ef­fects of long-haul air trav­el."

Now it is worth point­ing out that few in the Caribbean claimed APD is stop­ping tourism; rather many stress it is un­fair–and the High Com­mis­sion­er's own fig­ures bore that out.The sec­ond thing was the High Com­mis­sion­er's ar­gu­ment about "tourism prod­uct" costs, which, while true rel­a­tive­ly, mask a prob­lem of­ten ig­nored in dis­cus­sion about APD: APD af­fects the abil­i­ty of many Caribbean em­i­grants and Caribbean peo­ple liv­ing in the Di­as­po­ra to re­turn, trav­el back, and vis­it the Caribbean.

And with re­gard to the High Com­mis­sion­er's third point, any sci­en­tists do­ing their home­work will tell you that APD and sim­i­lar "en­vi­ron­men­tal tax­es" do not stop or off­set cli­mate change. What is need­ed on that front is a ze­ro-growth econ­o­my–some­thing a lit­tle rad­i­cal for most politi­cians.While var­ied, the Caribbean Di­as­po­ra in the UK is just un­der one mil­lion. Some pos­sess ter­tiary-lev­el qual­i­fi­ca­tions; many more are classed as low-in­come work­ers or pro­fes­sion­als.

Like eco­nom­ic re­al­i­ty for most Brits un­der UK Aus­ter­i­ty 2013, it is hard to imag­ine all but a small group of Caribbean em­i­grants with large dis­pos­able in­comes right now. So any in­creas­es in air trav­el prices, even small ones, could pre­vent many peo­ple from af­ford­ing trav­el to the Caribbean, where pre­vi­ous­ly they could have; a dis­cus­sion point of­ten miss­ing.

It is al­so im­por­tant to re­flect–no mat­ter what some writ­ers in the tourism sec­tor sug­gest–that Caribbean em­i­grants are in the main not re­turn­ing to the Caribbean for any tourism prod­uct. Rather, many re­turn to the Caribbean to con­nect, see and main­tain their links to fam­i­ly and friends, or to re­tire.

In a glob­al econ­o­my in which the Caribbean and its labour force have al­ways been abused–whether through slav­ery and colo­nial­ism, the low-in­come work­ers of the Win­drush era, or the present ser­vice cul­ture of mod­ern Caribbean tourism (we serve, they vis­it)–Caribbean peo­ple can fair­ly say the so­cio-eco­nom­ic play­ing field has nev­er been as op­por­tune for them as some pop­u­la­tions else­where.

As such many Caribbean fam­i­lies have seen mem­bers leave to live abroad. For a rough fig­ure, ECLAC es­ti­mate that over the last 50 years the Caribbean has lost five mil­lion peo­ple and their eco­nom­i­cal­ly pro­duc­tive lives to em­i­gra­tion.

Many with­in the Caribbean Di­as­po­ra left home due to poor em­ploy­ment op­por­tu­ni­ties, lack of ed­u­ca­tion­al op­por­tu­ni­ties or low re­mu­ner­a­tion lev­els. All of which are part of the his­tor­i­cal lega­cies the Caribbean de­vel­oped out of and the dif­fi­cul­ties small is­land na­tions face in con­struct­ing com­pet­i­tive economies with high lev­els of em­ploy­ment.

In such a world re­mit­tances are ma­jor sources of cash for all Caribbean na­tions. In 2011 the In­ter-Amer­i­can De­vel­op­ment Bank (IDB) re­port­ed, "Ja­maicans abroad sent home US$2 bil­lion." Oth­er re­mit­tance fig­ures in­clud­ed: to Guyana US$401 mil­lion, T&T US$131 mil­lion, Suri­name US$114 mil­lion and Be­lize $107 mil­lion.

From an an­thro­po­log­i­cal per­spec­tive an­oth­er im­por­tant fact about the Caribbean Di­as­po­ra is the way it af­fects Caribbean fam­i­ly forms and cul­ture. Many young peo­ple in the UK of Caribbean her­itage are mem­bers of transna­tion­al fam­i­ly and kin­ship net­works that an­thro­pol­o­gists de­scribe as "glob­al­ly dis­persed fam­i­lies."

The ex­pe­ri­ences of some of these fam­i­lies are well doc­u­ment­ed. One char­ac­ter­is­tic of these fam­i­lies is the way in which trav­el to the Caribbean from the UK can be an im­por­tant rit­u­al and rite in the con­struc­tion and main­te­nance of shared mem­o­ries, his­to­ries, cus­toms, lan­guage, tra­di­tions, val­ues, trust, and reci­procity.

In the con­text of a British gov­ern­ment pol­i­cy not like­ly to be al­tered in the cur­rent glob­al eco­nom­ic cli­mate, it is easy to see why the good High Com­mis­sion­er choos­es to de­fend APD. Not to men­tion it is part of his job de­scrip­tion to de­fend British in­ter­ests and ideas about the world.That said, Caribbean cul­ture and fam­i­lies are transna­tion­al for a va­ri­ety of his­tor­i­cal, eco­nom­ic and so­cial rea­sons dic­tat­ed to our is­lands rather than nec­es­sar­i­ly cho­sen by them.

In that light, rather than ac­cept the de­fence of APD, we might al­ter­na­tive­ly de­scribe APD from our point of view as a pro­hib­i­tive tax that suf­fo­cates the transna­tion­al cul­ture of the Caribbean and its fam­i­lies for crude eco­nom­ic cal­cu­la­tions by a for­eign gov­ern­ment in fi­nan­cial tur­moil.

�2 Dr Dy­lan Ker­ri­g­an is an an­thro­pol­o­gist at UWI, St Au­gus­tine


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