Last week Thursday, former Central Bank Governor Ewart Williams delivered a major speech at the sixth annual Conference on the Economy at the St Augustine campus of the University of the West Indies in which he looked back at the way T&T had managed its development in the 50 Years since Independence.
Williams concluded there had been several missed opportunities to transform the economy away from its dependence on energy revenues and argued there were important lessons for the country to learn from its economic history.
Let me confess that while honoured and humbled by the invitation, I accepted with some initial trepidation, recognising the amount of preparatory work involved and somewhat reluctant to interrupt the honeymoon of my retirement.
I must confess though that, once I started, I found the process of retracing our post-independence economic history rather fascinating.
First of all, there was a certain nostalgia for the excitement and the impassioned economic debate of the post-independence period; secondly, the look back (and the maturity that comes with age) gave me a better appreciation of the complexity of our early economic challenges and of our many successes over that period.
There was also, however, a feeling of profound disappointment at our failure to find the holy grail; to resolve the fundamental problem of economic transformation; a problem that was identified since oil took over from sugar in the 1950s and one that has been the main focus of our policy-makers, since 1969 when the first comprehensive Development Plan was launched.
The policymakers at the time (all very competent people; the likes of William Demas, Frank Rampersad, and several others) correctly identified the problem as one of utilising the rents from the offshore economy to build a vibrant, internationally competitive onshore economy.
Notwithstanding their considerable efforts, our post-independence economic history is a trail of booms and busts, triggered by the vagaries of our energy sector, for the most part, reflecting commodity price volatility.
As most of you know all too well, in our dual economy, economic booms are created when increases in government revenue from the energy sector prompt a corresponding rise in government spending on infrastructural works, on make-work schemes, and on various welfare programmes. Government spending gives purchasing power to households, which creates economic and business opportunities for the private sector. The response of the private sector is therefore crucial to the type of economic spill-off that ensue.
Energy sector revenues
Over the past five decades, buoyant energy sector revenues have financed improvements in economic and social infrastructure, facilitated the expansion of employment, and led to significant increases in personal incomes and improvements in social welfare.
Our economic base has been broadened, largely by the downstream extension of the energy sector, and by an expansion of the non-tradable services sector. Facilitated by regional trading arrangements which provide considerable market protection from international competitors, a rudimentary manufacturing sector has also emerged.
Notwithstanding these very important gains, the fact that economic transformation continues to be our most pressing goal, suggests that the story of our last 50 years is, in some sense, a story of "opportunities wasted."
Later on, I will also argue that we may be coming to the point where the impulse from the energy sector could be getting progressively weaker. In these circumstances, without the benefit of a competitive non-energy tradable sector, our medium-term economic sustainability and our current standard of living could be under threat.
In my remaining remarks, I will briefly trace the evolution of the T&T economy since Independence, after which I will seek to draw some major lessons that should inform policymaking going forward.
Post-Independence journey
During the 1950s, oil began to displace agriculture as the prime mover of the economy. By the time of our Independence in 1962, the dominance of oil in the economy was fairly well established.
Perhaps a convenient starting point for our post-independence economic journey, is 1973, when the Trinidad and Tobago economy experienced a dramatic rise in the price of oil along with a considerable increase in output from new marine fields. In the period 1974-82, government revenue rose more than ten-fold to an annual average around $4 billion, compared with a mere $300 million a year, in the previous decade 1964-73. Of course, government expenditure rose in step to about $4.5 billion a year.
Driven by the surge in construction activity in the non-energy sector, real gross domestic product (GDP) growth averaged about six per cent over the ten year period, about twice the growth rate registered in the period 1967-73.
The Eric Williams government which had come to office in 1956 had launched two five-year Development Plans (1958-62 and 1964-68), which were essentially public sector investment programmes. Its Five-Year Development Plan (1968-73) went a bit further in articulating a development policy.
Along with the focus on infrastructural development – roads, water, electricity etc - it envisaged a marked shift to government involvement in commercial activities. With the sharp increase in energy sector revenues after 1973, the Government initiated "a move to take control of the commanding heights of the economy".
The strategy involved a decision to fully exploit the country's considerable gas reserves (much of which was previously flared) through joint- venture investments in a whole range of downstream industries: methanol, fertiliser, petrochemicals, steel and aluminum. These industries, the supporting infrastructure (a major port, power facilities, a network of gas pipelines) along with the associated policy framework; came to be known as the Point Lisas Model.
Prof Ken Julien on the Point Lisas Model
Prof Ken Julien, one of the architects of the Point Lisas model, sought to capture what he calls, "the boldness of the journey" when in delivering the "Nineteenth Dr Eric Williams Memorial Lecture", he reminded us that:
"Trinidad and Tobago had less than one per cent of the natural gas reserves of the world;
We had never produced a single kilogramme of steel;
No new harbour or port facilities had been created since colonial times;
Our peak demand for electricity was 300 megawatts, the demand of the steel plant was 180 megawatts, more than half the peak demand of the whole country;
Methanol was a foreign word;
A single 16-inch gas pipeline existed between Penal and Port-of-Spain. There was no natural gas offshore or cross country lines;
In short, he was reminding us that the challenges to monetise our natural gas were formidable and included a skeptical national community that did not historically identify with the energy sector."
Prof Julien recalled (and I quote):
"Many people tried to persuade us that the simplest and easiest thing to do would have been to sit back, export our oil, export our gas, do nothing else and just receive the revenues derived from such exports and lead a life of luxury, at least, for some limited period."
"Instead, we took the more difficult road, accepting the challenge of entering the world of steel, aluminum, methanol, fertiliser and petrochemicals. We accepted the challenge of using our hydrocarbon resources in a very definite industrialisation process."
Despite a number of challenges along the way, the Point Lisas Industrial Estate remains, (arguably) the major economic success of our post-independence period.
I say this, ladies and gentlemen, notwithstanding the fact that, strictly in analytical terms, Point Lisas represented more of the same; a diversification of the offshore energy sector rather than a step towards the transformation of the economy.
Oil's decline
Of course, what goes up, invariably comes down, and oil prices, began a steady and significant decline starting in 1983. What's worse, the price decline coincided with a secular fall in oil production, which had begun in 1979.
Some of you may recall that the period 1983-88 were years of major crisis as real gross domestic product (GDP) declined by five per cent a year and unemployment reached a peak of 22 per cent.
The petroleum sector, which had triggered the earlier boom and the government, construction and distribution sectors which had transmitted the impulse throughout the economy, now led the decline in economic activity.
In the firm hope that the decline in international energy prices would have been short-lived, the Government of the day tried to postpone adjustment by running down savings and finally resorting to borrowing. However, by 1988, we could not meet our external debt obligations and we needed to approach the International Monetary Fund and World Bank.
This is perhaps not the time nor place to discuss the merits of the IMF standby arrangement and the World Bank's Structural Adjustment Programme.
(Moreover, I am (perhaps) not the right person to make a judgment on the impact of these programmes since, in the interest of full disclosure, I must state that I was on the staff of the IMF at the time, and what's more, I was on an 18-month sabbatical attached to our Central Bank).
Suffice it to say that, the adjustment programme contained some of the standard elements; exchange rate depreciation; trade and financial sector liberalization and commitments about reducing the size of the public sector (a euphemism for privatisation). Not surprisingly, the centrepiece of the programme was a sharp reduction in the unsustainable fiscal deficit.
The fiscal adjustment strategy included a nominal 10 per cent cut in public sector salaries, which was understandably very unpopular, and which more than anything else, undermined popular support for the adjustment effort.
This notwithstanding the programme was effectively implemented and the most of the major macro economic targets were achieved.
From my perspective, it is difficult to argue that the adjustment effort was not absolutely inevitable. The country's income had declined sharply; at first, assuming that the drop was temporary, we used up our savings; and then we borrowed and when we could borrow no more we needed to adjust our living standards.
Economic adjustment
I fully accept that economic adjustment is always difficult and painful, because it implies hardship. Moreover, in the real world, hardship is never distributed evenly. Some groups bear a larger burden than others and, in our case, the poor and the public servants bore the brunt.
One can argue that a more judicious calibration of the fiscal adjustment programme would have spread the burden more equitably, obviating the need for a wage cut. Ex-post, I am convinced that the wage cut was a big mistake.
Having said that, many analysts (myself included) believe that the exchange rate adjustment, the external debt rescheduling, the trade and financial sector liberalisation and the fiscal reforms set the stage for a more competitive economy and established a potential platform for a stronger transformation effort.
Continued next week
