As American presidents past and present stood shoulder to shoulder to remember the deaths of the 2,977 people killed on 9/11, vice-premier Wang Qishan and around 200 leading businessmen from the People's Republic of China, were preparing to touch down at Piarco International Airport for the Third Annual China-Caricom Economic and Trade Cooperation Forum. As a statement of intent from the Chinese, that it is they who now run things in these parts, it couldn't have been better timed. The threat from the Yankee big stick, together with a sense of loyalty towards our former British colonial masters, meant that many Caribbean countries had remained in a state of subservience to these two world powers for decades.
But, as America scoured the deserts of Afghanistan and Iraq in search of Osama and Khalid, organised crime syndicates run by Hector and Carlos wreaked havoc across a region that was thrown to the cartel wolves. It is surely more than coincidence that violent crime in the Caribbean basin steepled in the years following the attacks on the World Trade Centre. Likewise, the affection that many West Indians had felt towards Britain now seems similarly misplaced. Thousands of Caribbean school children lined the streets to show support for Queen Elizabeth II as she visited the region two years ago. But, in return for the heartfelt reception given to the Monarch and her consort as they toured the Islands, the British withdrew their last remaining naval warship from Caribbean patrol, closed down the arm of the BBC World Service representing the Caribbean, and imposed a draconian tax on air-travel that crippled regional hoteliers. With friends like these, who needs enemies?
Back in the early 90s, a still worldly-shy China had only been investing around US$20 million in the Caribbean. By last year, however, that figure had climbed to US$7.2 billion, and was rising ever faster still. China has in effect built a new great wall of influence in America's back yard, that now extends from the Bahamas in the north, to Guyana, Suriname, and beyond, in the south. And, while there are a few voices expressing concern over what may indeed lie behind the outpouring of largesse from our newly-found benefactors, most Caribbean leaders are not yet willing to look this Chinese gift horse anywhere near its mouth.
The majority of Chinese investment has gone into boosting the regional infrastructure. These include, among others, the building of Napa and the Prime Minister's Official Residence in Trinidad & Tobago, new stadia in Grenada and Antigua, roads in Jamaica and Suriname and hotels in the Dominican Republic and the Bahamas. We should note, however, that man cannot live by infrastructure alone. Post FIFA 2010, South Africa is full of shiny football stadiums and newly built roads-scant consolation, though, for the millions of South Africans with no job to go to. Furthermore, local contractors are increasingly being priced out of their own labour markets; with everything from site foremen, artisans, casual labour, machinery and fittings being imported from Beijing.
That being said, it is clear that China is on course to become the world's dominant power, and so we would be foolish not to grasp some of the opportunities that this presents us. In a country of a billion plus people, the emergence of a Chinese middle class who seem keen on international travel, is welcome news for the Caribbean tourism industry-ours included. At 20 hours flying time from any of China's main cities, however, Caribbean destinations must ensure that they offer ultimate value for money and remain competitive by continually thinking ahead of the curve. One way in which Trinbagonians can achieve the latter is by increasing our awareness of Chinese language and culture.
Only a small percentage of China's huge population speaks English, and so any host or business venture that is able to communicate freely in the visitors' native tongue, will prove immensely attractive. Now might be as good a time as any for our Government to seriously consider adding Mandarin to the secondary school curriculum; either as a third language, or in place of the increasingly obsolete French altogether. In addition, the supposed offering of some 2,500 postgraduate places by Chinese universities to suitable Caribbean applicants, should be pursued with some vigour by the T&T administration. Construction and tourism apart, we also need to be thinking about getting favourable concessions from the Chinese to fund other projects.
In T&T, the priority must surely be to stimulate our ailing health, security and housing sectors first, rather than simply building another set of office blocks in downtown Port-of-Spain. The Caribbean's historical bond with both the US and Britain, as well as the strength and vibrancy of our Diaspora there, will guarantee that those two nations retain some measure of influence over us for some time to come. But, by entering the dance now, the Chinese have ensured that T&T and other Caribbean belles now have other possible suitors from which to choose.
Going forward, though, the region must be careful that years of American and European dependence simply isn't exchanged for a new Chinese version. The old adage of never putting all of one's eggs in the same basket could not be truer. Brazil, Russia and India are all emerging as major players, and we must strive just as hard to develop strong economic ties with them, too. Because, it would be ironic if in years to come, the Chinese were to turn to us Trinbagonians and state that they can no longer afford to be our personal ATM.