Reducing crime in Trinidad and Tobago is one of the country’s most serious national priorities. It is characterised by high homicide rates, gang violence, trafficking in narcotics and illegal firearms and is influenced by socioeconomic inequality. The situation has worsened over the years, and introducing legislation alone cannot solve it overnight. Reducing crime requires a multifaceted approach and a prolonged effort. More importantly, the situation requires considered, calibrated and coordinated action, not more laws. Enforcement, not talk. If this is not done, business operating costs will continue to rise, confidence in civil institutions will decline and social fragmentation could result.
At five to six times higher than the global average of 5.8 per 100,000, T&T’s murder rate is also far above European, Asian and North American norms. Crime remains a serious issue in Trinidad and Tobago, but the country is not in a state of collapse. Persistently high by international standards, violent crime continues to constrain national development, erode governance confidence and diminish quality of life.
The recent murders and home invasions show the crime problem is ongoing, in spite of the State of Emergency. Evidence indicates a state of emergency briefly affects the murder rate, but it is a short-term measure—not a lasting crime-fighting tool. Indeed, the biggest room for improvement lies in detention and conviction, thereby successfully increasing deterrence.
Moreover, if the multiple murders in Belmont last week were reprisals for the ambush and executions on Lady Young Road the previous week, the limitations of a state of emergency, or any limited emergency zone, would be exposed. In this context, such a reprisal would suggest a failure of police intelligence.
Politicians have consistently shifted blame and responsibility to society, to agencies and institutions that comprise the criminal justice system, to the media and to other political opponents. There have been anti-crime plans, the purchase of military and technological assets, joint patrols, a state of emergency and catchily named social programmes, none of which have worked. However, acceptance of responsibility has been limited.
The country wants the murder rate and crime to be reduced. It does not want grandstanding from police officials or politicians masquerading in parliament debates. Every aspect of the crime-fighting apparatus needs improvement: the courts are slow, conviction rates are low, witnesses face intimidation, prisons are overcrowded, the school dropout rate is high and community distrust is widespread. Ultimately, the country needs improvement across the entire justice system.
Though criminal elements lack the State's resources—manpower, equipment, technology, legal authority and money—as well as public support, they have managed to grow and thrive. Still, their ability to penetrate, even infiltrate, public and law enforcement agencies cannot be denied.
The TTPS often claims it is under-resourced. Although the law was amended to give the TTPS greater operational control over its administrative and disciplinary structures, these changes have not worked and should be re-examined. Moreover, increasing police numbers has not improved effectiveness. Compared to Brazil, Colombia, El Salvador, and Mexico—countries with serious crime problems—T&T is not under-policed.
Trinidad and Tobago has about 6,500 sworn police officers—about 460 per 100,000—placing us among the highest global police-to-population ratios. However, more fundamental issues than staffing need attention: management training, deployment strategy, investigative effectiveness, intelligence gathering, crime disruption and integration with the criminal justice system.
T&T may need to revise existing law. However, prioritising a holistic approach to crime reduction is equally, if not more, important for achieving tangible results.
