The Zone of Special Operations Bill failed to get the three-fifths special majority in the Senate to pass. At the centre of this was the way in which the nine independent senators voted. Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar launched an open attack against the bench before and after the vote. Some of these senators took her bait and replied.
This political fight was long in coming. President Christine Kangaloo, whom the Prime Minister has described as a “low-level PNM functionary”, lies at the centre. The PM had choice language to describe the independent senators and included serious allegations against two of the nine.
This latest controversy pre-dates this Parliament.
In January 2018, Persad-Bissessar and United National Congress MPs David Lee and Dr Roodal Moonilal, together with Congress of the People MP Prakash Ramadhar, co-signed the nomination papers for Paula-Mae Weekes to become President. Together with eight People’s National Movement MPs, they nominated one consensus candidate for the presidency.
In August 2021, President Weekes, at the request of the then Police Service Commission chairman, returned the PSC merit list that recommended Gary Griffith to continue as commissioner of police. Those details are now sub judice because the judge recently reserved judgment until July 6. One of the independent senators today was a member of that Commission.
Nevertheless, the UNC opposition filed impeachment papers against Weekes for her handling of this matter and the Electoral College was convened on October 21, 2021, to discuss her impeachment. The two-thirds majority needed to convene a tribunal to investigate the President was not secured.
After this, independent senator Anthony Vieira launched a broadside attack on the UNC opposition in a motion on the Code of Conduct for Senators on November 23, 2021. He said:
“Secondly, this Motion was avoidable. When Ria Taitt sought my views regarding the tumultuous sitting of the Electoral College—memorable for all the wrong reasons—I was angry. In fact, I was furious, but I had not committed to taking this step. Resolve came after the Opposition noise machine began heaping insult onto injury.” (Hansard, Senate, November 23, 2021, p. 18).
He filed the motion only after being criticised and subsequently described the independent bench:
“Thirdly, it needs to be remembered that, unlike Government and the Opposition, Independent Senators do not comprise a party. We are nine separate and distinct persons. We do not caucus. We are not a team. We stand alone. So when caught in the crosshairs of political parties and partisan interest groups, save for our immediate family and closest friends, there are not many we can count on for support. We suffer, we take our blows alone.” (p. 18).
He did not understand in 2021 that the independent senators are no different to any other senator. They take the same oath. They are all politicians together who can vote for or against legislation or abstain if they wish. There is no wording in the Constitution that describes this bench as “independent”, yet he thinks of the bench as a zone of special operation. It is not. Also, why do they need a convenor if they are “nine separate and distinct persons?”
His depiction of the independent bench in 2021 seems to have carried over into this Parliament now that the UNC is in government. That 2021 motion should have been brought by a PNM government senator to target UNC opposition senators about their conduct in the Electoral College. Instead, he put the independent bench in the line of fire.
In 2023, when the Dr Keith Rowley PNM government made their second nomination to the presidency, they put forward then Senate President Christine Kangaloo. That nomination was rejected by the UNC opposition over what her presidency would look like. The UNC nominated criminal bar attorney Israel Khan, SC, for the position. Kangaloo won the ballot.
Rowley’s succession plan would be adjudicated by her as a particular presidential interpretation of section 76(1)(a) of the Constitution was required.
In April 2025, the entire plan fell apart. The UNC returned to government. Persad-Bissessar was never expected to return to power. Now she has taken off the gloves to fight both the President and the independent senators.
She has converted this fight against the President and the independent senators into her version of class struggle by painting it as elites versus the masses over crime.
In 2000 and 2001, then President ANR Robinson openly defied Prime Minister Basdeo Panday by bluntly refusing to act on his advice as mandated by the Constitution. Notwithstanding that presidential conduct, the system of government survived. Persad-Bissessar has never courted the urban and corporate elites in the way that Panday did, which made him vulnerable to them. They eventually brought him down.
This is a different movie.
Professor Hamid Ghany is Professor of Constitutional Affairs and Parliamentary Studies at The University of the West Indies (UWI). He was also appointed an Honorary Professor of The UWI upon his retirement in October 2021. He continues his research and publications and also does some teaching at The UWI.
