Professor Hamid Ghany
In an article of remembrance on April 8, 2015, the Guyana Chronicle recalled the events of July 16, 1973, when Guyana held its general election. An excerpt stated:
“Members of the Guyana Defence Force (GDF), in 1973, proceeded to remove ballot boxes from polling stations for ‘safekeeping’. The lives of Guyanese were lost protecting ballot boxes. A memorable incident is one that occurred at No. 63 Village, Corentyne. There, Jagan Ramessar, 17, and Bholanauth Parmanand, 25, were shot by soldiers while peacefully protesting the illegal removal of the ballot boxes from the place of poll at the end of voting. International reports on the electoral process of that year have concluded that the 1973 polls were not free and fair.”
There were other memorials on those infamous 1973 Guyanese elections when many ballot boxes from all over the country were seized by the Guyana Defence Force and the ballot counting was commandeered by the GDF.
On December 22, 1980, TIME Magazine, under a caption that said “Guyana: Magic Majority”, reported as follows:
“Indeed. Since coming to power after Guyana gained its independence from Britain in 1966, Burnham, an Oxford-trained lawyer, has often been accused of rigging his own election-day heroics. Critics claim that in 1973 he padded his first post-independence victory with the votes of 70,000 dead or non-existing people. Guyana’s army seized the ballot boxes after initial returns seemed to be turning against Burnham. When the results were announced a day later, he had won a satisfying two-thirds majority.”
Indeed, on July 25, 1973, the Trinidad Guardian reported the following under the caption “Jamaicans in Guyana polling” :
“A British television programme last night accused Guyanese Prime Minister, Mr Forbes Burnham, of conducting a gigantic electoral fraud in his apparently successful campaign last week to win a two-thirds majority in Parliament...” (Page 2).
What was significant about this July 16, 1973, general election in Guyana was that it occurred just about two weeks after the signing of the Treaty of Chaguaramas in Trinidad on July 4, 1973. Caricom failed its first electoral integrity test two weeks after its inception. No condemnation by Caricom ever took place. It was business as usual, and that fraud has been avoided for 50 years.
Today, it seems as though Caricom will now come under the microscope of its own performance (or lack thereof) as the Persad-Bissessar Government in Trinidad and Tobago, together with two other Caricom countries, were excluded from the process of reappointing the Caricom Secretary-General, Dr Carla Barnett. There has been no contradiction of this.
What has apparently happened is that the required statutory numbers for reappointing the Secretary-General were satisfied by a set up. The governance process that accomplished this was most unsatisfactory and flawed.
The obvious contretemps between Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar and Dr Carla Barnett over the latter’s failure to reply to Persad-Bissessar, in her capacity as leader of the opposition in 2023, when raising a legitimate matter regarding the Brent Thomas abduction from Barbados, lies at the heart of this.
Then prime minister, Dr Keith Rowley, said that she was out of place to write to Barnett about the matter. Persad-Bissessar told him to butt out of her correspondence to the Caricom Secretary-General at the time.
Without a proper process by which the Secretary-General was reappointed, there will be mistrust. It resembled a closed-door elite backslapping exercise. Caricom depends on a commitment of local taxpayer dollars to fund it. The only way to get answers is to withhold (or reduce) the subvention to get their attention.
The main question that arises is whether or not any Leader of the Opposition in any Caricom country, as a potential future Prime Minister, is entitled to write to the Caricom Secretariat to request information on any matter of cross-border regional significance involving their country. Does Caricom only recognise member governments or should it recognise member countries? Persad-Bissessar was entitled to get a response to her letter, regardless of what Rowley and Barnett thought about it.
There were many in Caricom , and also locally, who never believed that Persad-Bissessar could ever return to power. That may have a lot to do with it.
Now that she is back, what was the real reason why T&T was excluded, together with two other Caricom countries, from participating in the formal session when the reappointment of Dr Carla Barnett, as Secretary-General, was considered? Is this a return to the protection of electoral fraud of 1973, when Caricom said nothing about the blatant rigging of the Guyana election two weeks after the birth of Caricom? Are the Caricom bureaucrats in the Secretariat accountable to member governments who pay their salaries ? Yes, they are.
Professor Hamid Ghany is Professor of Constitutional Affairs and Parliamentary Studies at The University of the West Indies (UWI). He was also appointed an Honorary Professor of The UWI upon his retirement in October 2021. He continues his research and publications and also does some teaching at The UWI.
