Apart from the impact of the capture of Venezuelan President Nicholas Maduro by US forces on T&T’s future natural gas supplies on January 3, the biggest and most consequential business news story for the first six weeks of 2026 has been the decision by the state-owned National Gas Company of Trinidad and Tobago (NGC) to increase the price of natural gas to its light industrial and commercial customers (LICs) and Trinidad Cement Ltd (TCL.
On December 24, 2025 (Christmas Eve), NGC communicated to the LICs and TCL that it was increasing the price of natural gas to them by 77 per cent, that the proposed price of gas for 2026 was non-negotiable, and that if companies did not agree to the terms and conditions of its supply of gas, it would be allocated to another company.
In response to a letter from T&T Manufacturers Association president Dale Parson, calling for a less onerous natural gas price increase, NGC chairman Gerald Ramdeen wrote:
“You should be aware that over the past ten years, your members benefitted from a highly subsidised cost of gas, below NGC’s acquisition costs. That is not a policy that the present Board of NGC can continue. The evidence does not suggest that this subsidy was passed on to the customers of your members. One can conclude that it was reflected entirely in their profit lines.”
Is the price of natural gas sold to the LICs highly subsidised?
As a result of the importance of the LIC sector to T&T, the intent of the NGC was always to ensure that the price of natural gas allowed them to remain competitive, foreign-exchange earners who paid taxes to the Government and employed thousands of T&T nationals. It has always been the intent of the NGC, as well, that it would not incur a loss on the sale of natural gas to the LICs.
Going back more than 30 years, NGC achieved its dual goals—competitively priced natural gas to the LICs and that the price was above the company’s cost of acquisition and its operational costs—by negotiating low-priced tranches of gas from the upstream companies, such as bpTT and Shell, that was sold to the Trinidad and Tobago Electricity Commission (T&TEC), Trinidad Cement Ltd (TCL) and the LICs.
That means the LICs pre-2026 gas-pricing arrangement—which was US$3 per mmscf, plus a 4 per cent annual escalator—was negotiated at a level that ensured the LICs remained competitive and that NGC made a small profit on the sale of the gas to TCL and the LICs (T&TEC is a different matter).
Based on NGC utilising the upstream tranches of gas—which were all fixed and low priced—for T&TEC, TCL and the LICs, the state-owned natural gas merchant was NOT selling subsidised gas to the LICs.
What NGC has not told the public is that there are, at least, two natural gas prices:
* One that is fixed at a low price, as a result of negotiated arrangements with upstream companies, that is sold to T&TEC, TCL and the LICs;
* The other is sold to petrochemical companies operating in T&T, that is partly linked to the price that those companies sell their ammonia, methanol and other products for on the world market. The per-unit cost of the gas sold by NGC to petrochemical companies was generally much higher than the price sold to the LICs.
Therefore, if the NGC chairman bases his argument on the AVERAGE of the price of gas sold to both the petrochemical companies and to the group of T&TEC, TCL and the LICs, then the overall cost of gas is going to be higher than the US$3 per unit price it was up to the end of December 2025. Including the price sold to petrochemical companies skews the average.
In other words, if the average price of gas sold to the petrochemical companies was US$5 per unit and the average price sold to T&TEC, TCL and the LICs was US$3 per unit, then the overall average of NGC’s gas sales to both groups would be US$4.
But, on the face of it, that argument is bogus because:
* T&TEC, TCL and the LICs are getting a special tranche of gas that is fixed and low-priced, while the price the petrochemical companies pay for gas is partly linked to the price at which they sell their commodities;
* The average amount of gas used in the production of ammonia, ammonia derivatives and methanol for the first eight months of 2025 was 926 mmscf/d, according to the Consolidated Monthly Bulletin, for the period January to August 2025, published by the Ministry of Energy.
On the other hand, the average amount of gas used by the LICs for the first eight months of 2025 was 9 mmscf/d and TCL used 12 mmscf/d.
Attempting to get an average cost of acquisition by comparing the volume of gas sold to TCL and the LIC (less than 1 per cent of total gas used) with gas sold to petrochemical companies, (37 per cent of the total gas used in T&T), is clearly a mistake and a misuse of statistics.
It is clear that Mr Ramdeen included gas sold to petrochemical companies to arrive at an average acquisition cost for the LICs, but is that the whole truth?
Unprecedented break with past practices
We now know the method NGC chose to impose its 77 per cent increase in the price of natural gas to the LICs and TCL. That represented “a sharp and unprecedented break” from the way the monopoly gas supplier conducted its relationships with its LIC customers, according to a letter written by Group CEO of ANSA McAL, Anthony Sabga III.
In that quite extraordinary letter to the acting president of NGC Edmund Subryan, dated February 5, Mr Sabga wrote, “From at least 2012 through to the 2019–2025 gas sales contracts, renewals were conducted through sustained good faith negotiations during which gas supply continued uninterrupted.
“Where new agreements were concluded after expiry of prior contracts, the agreed terms related back to the intervening supply period, preserving operational continuity while negotiations proceeded.”
The example of NGC maintaining contract prices even when supply contracts had expired came in 2017, when NGC signalled to its LICs that the price of natural gas to them was expected to increase because its acquisition cost would be increasing in two years. That was because of the higher gas prices in the supply contracts with the upstream producers, such as bpTT and EOG and others. Both the bpTT and EOG gas sales contracts were signed in 2017.
In a masterful piece in the last Sunday Business Guardian in which he outlined some of the history of NGC’s recent natural gas prices, energy economist Gregory McGuire demonstrated conclusively that NGC, before its current leadership, was willing to engage with the LICs with common sense and flexibility.
Mr McGuire outlined that in 2005, NGC agreed to a conditional US$0.20/mmbtu reduction in the price of natural gas to the LICs, while maintaining the 4 per cent escalator in recognition of “the role played by the manufacturing sector in terms of employment creation and forex earnings” as well as “to ensure that the LIC price remained in close parity with the acquisition cost over time.”
He also wrote that in 2012, when the People’s Partnership led by Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar was in power, the NGC gifted its LIC customers a five-year price freeze, in a further effort to support the development of the sector. That remained in place until 2017, when the escalator was again applied to the price.
“Given the impact of COVID-19 pandemic, in 2020 NGC again agreed to a price freeze which remained in place until 2022,” according to Mr McGuire, who worked at NGC for 24 years.
As outlined by Mr Sabga, NGC maintained the 2017 gas price and the contracted gas supply arrangements to the LICs until 2019. In that 2017 to 2019 period, NGC was under the stewardship of chairman Gerry Brooks and the late Mark Loquan ORTT, who served as the company’s president. Those are two T&T patriots who understood the importance of negotiating in good faith and maintaining good relationships with the strategically important LIC sector.
Can the same be said of the current leaders at NGC?
