What was the intent and relevance behind the Honourable Prime Minister's statement about perceived allegations of ethnic discrimination in the granting of scholarships to needy and deserving students during her budgetary statements-especially when (a) the report was not fully completed as evidenced by the statements of Prof John La Guerre, chairman of the Equal Opportunities Commission and (b) whether or not the PM was in possession of these applications and, perhaps, the profile and photos of each applicant? Could it be that it was planned that way as a diversionary tactic and smokescreen from passionate issues surrounding the budget as she prepared to go to Australia?
Ours is a blessed country, with a mini United Nations composition of all races and ethnicity, where equal and fair opportunity for all should exist as is constitutionally mandated and not a privilege to be used by Government to divide and rule. To what extent should the population endorse and accept all of the Government's disclosures and decisions, especially when perhaps the interests of a select few take precedence over the masses, even though the political name is the People's Partnership? How much of the nation's people is consulted by the Partnership? How can one justify that only 7 per cent of scholarships were granted to East Indians when names in Trinidad and Tobago can be very complex?
For example, names like Susan Francois, Larry Browne, Jennifer Hazelwood, Alfonso Thomas, Renwick Bacchus, Dugald Lewis, Conrad Thomas, Errol Furlonge, Angela Phillip, Don Murray, Henry Joseph, Mike Henry are all of citizens of East Indian descent; and what happens when children of mixed parentage carry their maternal names which can be Thompson, Cheng, Bruce, and much more. Would it not have been more prudent for her special advisers to caution her until the entire report was published and also ventilated in the court of public opinion? There needs to be proper consideration and reliable evidence to sustain these statements. On the other hand, it is my humble opinion that there may be a parallel SoE developing in this country that deals with the growing crisis in governance, transparency, accountability, ethics, morality and integrity?
Is the PP Government willing and able to confront this emerging state of emergency (SoE) as it may be related to serious allegations of kickbacks and dubious educational credentials? Given the volatility of the economy, increasing unemployment, the national security landscape, and the gradual emerging picture of a nation struggling under duress and social pressures, such statements should never be publicised without a justifiable basis, as they are prejudicial to national unity. Furthermore, these statements can only serve to create much more challenges than anticipated. If the statements of the Honourable PM were designed to cast aspersions on ethnic discrimination, is it different under her administration?
Then why does some of her leading officials asked members of the public about their political allegiance and loyalty? In reviewing the short history of the PP administration, there are instances when the Honourable Prime Minister may have veered in that direction. As such, the Honourable PM and her administration must be reminded of the lack of full disclosure in the ascension of Reshmi Ramnarine to temporary office as head of the SSA. The apparent lack of full disclosure may suggest that this specific appointment had all the toppings and ingredients of selective ethnic discrimination, educational fraud, with perhaps the nexus of apparent political loyalty and payback. When confronted with persevering and determined questions on the matter, the Honourable PM in her media disclosure told the nation: "Let's move on."
Effectiveness of SoE on TOC
One does not know whether the national conscience is affected, (bearing in mind that they already seem destined to accept anything as told by the PP administration as solid truth), and may perhaps be intimidated by what can happen during a SoE. While there has been a dire need on all fronts to meaningfully wrest the initiatives from the tentacles of transnational organised crime (TOC) by organs of National Security and the Ministry of Finance, the PP Government has been unable to justify, define, and clarify what constitutes an SoE in terms of its legality, necessity and proportionality, according to international law, and our constitutional prerogatives.
Can anyone imagine such a grave threat and yet the United Nations was not informed until either September 5 or 6, 2011, by our UN Ambassador Rodney Charles, and only after this matter was brought to the attention by this column and the former Foreign Affairs minister Paula Gopee-Scoon in Parliament when debating the need for extension of the SoE. The evidence gathered thus far is available for all to see what ought to have been achieved by normal police work, constitutive of sound, integrated intelligence, highly motivated police leadership with a positive approach to detecting, deterring and rupturing the sophisticated and extraneous tentacles of transnational organised crime. In addition, the decision to declare a SoE may reflect a gross indictment on the performance of Commissioner Gibbs, given the legitimate expectations of the public and government for reduction in crime.
Certainly, the Commissioner may have been caught unprepared for the SoE, and would have impacted on his initiatives to transform the Police Service. What we have actually done at the behest of the Minister of National Security is to grant police powers to the military, not normally trained in due process of the law, human rights, and the relevant constitutional underpinnings. There is also evidence of human rights abuses at the hands of military. It is not a joke to empower soldiers without adequate training in these fields. Then, there is also the blurring of boundaries in these situations. Who can tell what can occur in the future?
Next Week: Assessing the effectiveness of Commissioner Gibbs' initiatives in dealing with TOC.
