Against the background of all those intelligence entities, the public must therefore ask the burning question: What effective, meaningful and productive information from these entities have yielded results in the criminal justice system? This is the core responsibility and cardinal functions of these organs of national security. Hopefully, there may not be existing parallels like what has occurred under the Lynn Williams led IMPACS, the regional security intelligence entity. Too often, one can find decisions made at the highest level that are initially questionable, accountable, lack of transparency, erosion of confidence and spasmodic revelations of fraudulent transactions. What are the leading mandarins of national security doing with taxpayers' money? How much of these public expenditures are really geared towards the genuine safety and security of Trinidad and Tobago?
The latest saga in national security matters now involves Canadians Dwayne Gibbs and his deputy, Jack Ewartski, along with an American Dan Condon, another local soldier, along with Dirk Barnes, former TT Army Major and now managing director of the recently formed T&T Air Support Company, and a former but now disenchanted partner, Eddie Dallsingh, of Navi-Comm Avionics. Despite possessing executive authority to purchase a crime fighting apparatus below a million in the fight against crime, Gibbs must know that he is accountable by virtue of professional ethics and integrity to the Head of the National Security Council, the National Security line minister, the permanent secretary of the ministry, and by extension taxpayers. What appears to be very questionable and perhaps flawed at this stage is the modus operandi involving the trial contract? There also appears to be extremely favourable consideration in awarding of the trial contract in the absence of a quantum of other applicants and a proper procurement process. But this temporary contractual award is not something uncommon with this PP administration.
What is further disturbing is that there appears to be limited surveillance experience on the part of the soldiers. That Dan Condon, a US national flew the aircraft is not the issue in question. It is how and why the procedures adopted appears tilted in favour of the T&T Air Support Company? Compounding the matter is the fact that according to newspaper reports, the honourable PM stated that "neither her Cabinet nor the National Security Council ever authorised Police Commissioner Gibbs to lease a surveillance aircraft as part of the national security arsenal". Minister Sandy said that he was "disappointed in not being informed," and that "Gibbs was ill-advised". Then how is that possible within the realm of national security strategic thinking? Then I question: Where is the intelligence of these avatars and advisers in national security? Where is the Junior Minister of National Security Colin Partap? Are we to believe that all of this is occurring under the very eyes of what is supposed to be a trustworthy government?
Where money, loyalty find a common bond
Gibbs is no doubt challenged by complex policing, culture, societal attitudes, political and elitist involvement, allegations of police corruption involving both senior, middle management and junior officers. Having retired from the Edmonton Police Service as a Superintendent of Police, not a chief of police, Gibbs later joins the Transportation Department of Alberta for a very short while and then ventures on his own. That would convey the impression that he may not have been interested in active policing anymore. This column is not certain of Gibbs' track record in successfully tackling transnational organised crimes and corruption in Alberta, and which has found a very fertile market in this society. The ensuing debatable question is whether or not after 20 or more months Commissioner Gibbs is mentally, intellectually and independently equipped to deal with the so called transformation of the Police service and the scourge of transnational organised crime. Gibbs has acquired a rather unique position since the colonial era, in that of a foreigner under a work contract.
A rather disturbing notion is whether or not the Government of Trinidad and Tobago may have carefully considered the possible adverse implications of such a decision. This column suggests that this is a rare occasion that a non-resident, or citizen, on a work contract is hired not as an adviser but Commissioner of Police. This was done in spite of the fact that there are locals who have attained a higher level than that of a Superintendent, and with more experience and qualifications? Furthermore, the executive saw it fit that a foreigner who can be devoid of loyalty to this country or its constitution can sit on the National Security Council briefings, be privy to Government secrets and a host of other national security matters. Would Canada, the UK, USA, Sweden, Australia, New Zealand hire a foreign Commissioner of Police and allow him or her such privileged access to national security matters?
An important factor underlying Gibbs' acceptance of the job is the extremely handsome salary (over $100, 000 per month) paid to Gibbs perhaps as a management apprentice on the job as compared to the measly earnings paid to current officers? How can he expect to transform the Police Service when his credibility may have come into question over this light surveillance aircraft, his nonsensical response to the arrests and eventual release of over 400 detainees during the ill-advised state of emergency (SoE), and worst of all, a "real threat" or plot on the life of the PM?
