Attorney Frank Solomon's take on the dismissal of the Privy Council-that the move is "misguided" and "fuelled by political ambitiousness and expediency"-published in last Sunday's Express, was sharp, and cut satisfy- ingly through the porky arguments confusing around the issue, which are passing into the national consciousness virtually unchallenged.
My many talents do not extend to interpreting the law or Constitution, but the general push and pull with the Privy Council/CCJ is less a legal/constitutional issue than a social/cultural issue-it pertains to the broad motivational beliefs of the population, and the citizenry's relationship with the State.
In brief, people don't trust the State. We generally don't hear this mistrust explicitly stated, because the feeling is usually inhibited by "nationalist" jingoism, or the rhetoric of party politics. So you rarely hear the case for a local court of final appeal made in terms of faith in national institutions. You hear it couched in some other rhetoric, usually national "pride" and/or "maturity"-if you don't want the CCJ, you're immature and unpatriotic.
Just how many people want or don't want the CCJ, we're not sure. There is an easy way to find out-by a poll. If there has been a poll done recently on the issue, the CCJ supporters have kept its findings to themselves. And it's unlikely any test of the public opinion beyond anecdote will be sought, because the politically ambitious, or disingenuous, might get results which introduce them to a reality they strive to avoid-they're getting it so wrong, people doubt the integrity of the State.
Neither is the failure, perceived and real, a local phenomenon. In Jamaica, Carl Stone did an independence poll for years that asked (among other things) whether the populace felt they would have been better off if the British had stayed. From the late 1990s, at least, more than 50 per cent agreed. The poll has been continued by Bill Johnson in the last few years, and its results last year showed that 60 per cent of people still agreed.
This isn't the sort of thing "nationalist" or incumbent governments feast on, and in fact is the sort of thing they evade, along with much reality. And the reality of the CCJ-Privy Council issue, and the more intimate issues of the citizenry's faith in local institutions, and the state of independence, is not comforting.
On the face of it, it seems self-evident that it's not the number of cases that have been overturned by the Privy Council but the issues in the cases involved that is important. These include the many cases won by the sitting Attorney General involving obvious racial discrimination in the treatment of civil servants, and the Maha Sabha radio licence.
And it's not just ethnicity; unease emanates from other spheres, like the overturning of the Muslimeen acquittal, and Magistrate Felix Durity's suspension by the JLSC (in 2009, after 19 years).
The discomfiture is a vague but pervasive sense that the system is anti-ordinary citizen. This is reinforced by the everyday experience of the health, police and education systems, so I doubt anyone in Trinidad thinks their life would change substantially, if at all, if the Privy Council were to be replaced by the CCJ.
The stubbornness with which many people desire to retain the Privy Council is a form of passive protest against the criminal maladministration of the State from 1956. In a sense, this opinion is one of the few forms of protest people have recourse to without being accused of being "unpatriotic." (A related form of protest is emigration. From 1962-1990, about 250,000 souls departed these shores. I'd guess the trend persists.)
But the bigger issue here is how these protests-overt and subtle-and the justified dissatisfaction that fuel them are met by the State. With the PNM, it was stone-faced denial. The crime epidemic, economic mismanagement, rising food prices-all met with the same response: denial, accusations of "bad-talking the country," a lack of patriotism and, the most popular, saying the claims were overblown, because opponents were "trying to make the government look bad."
And it largely worked. If it were not for their erstwhile illustrious leader's moment of, uhm, instability, they would have been laughing at us now from Parliament. But now you see the same attitude from the PP, who, after 2001-2010, you'd think would know better. But nope, there they go, rushing in. No need for a referendum. Let's do it. (Partially.)
Given their experience, why would they do it? One can only surmise that the Government is trying to stake a claim to the "nationalist" turf with this gesture, to establish credentials, if you will. This is tragic; it shows how completely the PP has misunderstood Trinidad nationalism, and how perversely the media have distorted the CCJ/Privy Council issue.
The PNM has managed to insinuate its values into the very idea of nationalism-Carnival, ethnicity, and authoritarianism. No adoption of a single policy, or single symbolic decision, will change that. No one who doesn't like the PP now will like them because of the CCJ. What would change everything is making institutions efficient. But that would involve work.
Having said all that, the CCJ/ Privy Council switch seems inevitable, and it's unlikely it'll change anything. The machine that is the local legal system will grind on. You could say those few vital decisions that came down from the Privy Council provided a few flashes of light in a very dark night. But seeing the tragicomic bumbling of this Government, which understood all this so well while in opposition, maybe the glimmers are just mirages.
