Just as she did on Thursday May 6, 2010, in the run-up to the May 24, 2010 election, Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, accompanied by Tobago Organisation of the People leader Ashworth Jack, last Wednesday journeyed to the home of former prime minister and president, Arthur NR Robinson.
The ostensible purpose of the visit was to personally deliver to the Tobago political icon the THA bills scheduled for debate that very day. But in effect what they were really seeking was an endorsement for tomorrow's THA election. There was none to be had.
Two and a half years ago the political couple, scenting victory, were treated to lunch with Mr Robinson, political advice and a timely photo opportunity that would have gone some way in galvanizing support for the PP in Tobago and among Trinidadians for whom Mr Robinson still holds a special place.
The Newsday newspaper editorialised approvingly that "the real power of the encounter lies in the photograph of Persad-Bissessar almost leaning onto Robinson as shown on the front page of Friday's Newsday under the witty headline of "Robbie supports UNC leader."
Last week with the TOP's campaign in Tobago on the line, there was no lunch, no advice and no photo opportunity. It was not even clear that the duo, who had to content themselves with a media conference using Mr Robinson's closed front door as a backdrop, even had a chance to meet the former president.
Media reports suggested that the visit only lasted "a few minutes" and that the Prime Minister, questioned on Robinson's take on the legislation, could only state, according to the Express report:
"I'm assured that the bills will be read to him," she said, adding that she was sure Robinson would be very happy as he continues his life's journey."
It would have been surprising that, after famously denying a mandate to Basdeo Panday on the grounds of the absence of "moral and spiritual values," Robinson would have been comfortable ignoring the real concerns that have arisen over the construction of a house for Jack by a well-known UNC financier, who performed a similar role for the Prime Minister under still unknown terms and conditions.
And that is even before one considers the timing of the THA bills and the debate over whether they truly represent the interest of the people of Tobago.
The former DAC and NAR leader knows a lot about political disappointments after seeing a still unrivalled 33 to three electoral mandate, reduced to two seats at the end of his solitary term as prime minister.
At mid-term Persad-Bissessar's fall from political grace is now approaching Robinsonian proportions, according to the latest opinion polls. Although her political base, which according to the MFO poll now comprises "among those respondents who are 55-64 years, from a low socioeconomic background, of East Indian descent and those living in central and south Trinidad..." should protect her from the ultimate routing at the polls experienced by Robinson's NAR.
It is clear that Robinson, who, more than most, knows how to read the mood of the people and ever the shrewd politician, is very conscious of the political temperature in Trinidad and certainly in Tobago. One does not need to take a poll to see where this is heading.
Although the MFO poll had sufficient methodological issues for the Government to poke holes into it, I give the Prime Minister credit for ignoring these and recognising that the PP administration now has a serious challenge confronting it, in that it has lost the trust and confidence of the majority of the people in T&T.
The poll significantly overstated the Afro-Trinidadian population at 43 per cent (instead of 37.5) and understated the Indo-Trinidadian one at 38 per cent (instead of 40 per cent) and there was no indication that the results were weighted to correct for the statistical misrepresentation. It was also unclear whether the respondents of the regional divisions of the sample were consistent with the population demographics.
Most bizarrely, however, after finding that the PM's approval rating had fallen from 54 to 38 per cent in one year and that her disapproval rating had risen from 39 to 53 per cent, there was a counterfactual conclusion, not backed up by any data that, if an election were held today, the PP would emerge victorious. So it would have been easy for the PM to dismiss the findings, as she said in the media release last Monday.
"We can choose to shrug it off as imperfect or to use it as a wake-up call to do more," she noted, opting to take the latter course. Clearly she has no intention of taking the basket to call elections at mid-term, especially since she is quite aware that tomorrow's THA poll results will produce real data on just how far the TOP, the Tobago arm of the PP, has fallen in the eyes of Tobagonians, and just how far her administration's magic has disappeared.
Which is why, unusual for a Trinidadian political leader, the PM has been spending the last week before the poll frenetically campaigning in Tobago. A recognition that she has as much to lose as Ashworth Jack, in an election that, for all their attempts to focus on Tobago's internal self-government and the performance of the Orville London administration, all of Trinidad sees as a referendum on the PP.
For the PM and Jack the end result could very well be a plague on both their houses.
Maxie Cuffie runs a media consultancy, Integrated Media Company Ltd, is an economics graduate of the UWI and holds an MPA from the Harvard Kennedy School as a Mason Fellow in Public Policy and Management.
