"Boy, if we don't win this election, and I mean we here in the TOP case, there is no election we will win... I have a prediction of 10-2 in the TOP's favour. Anything more is lagniappe but anything less will be disappointing."
UNC chairman and National Security Minister Jack Warner.
One suspects that Jack Warner, astute political strategist that he is, is right about the former even if he was so spectacularly wrong about the latter. To put the results of the Tobago House of Assembly election in perspective, the vote to repudiate the People's Partnership and its ally the Tobago Organisation of the People (TOP) was the largest-ever voter turnout in the history of independent T&T.
The only times a larger percentage of the electorate has turned out to vote were in the 1956 election that brought the PNM to power, where the voter turnout was 82.15 of the electorate, and the following 1961 election, on the eve of Independence, where the turnout was 88.15.
Not even the election which brought the National Alliance for Reconstruction to power in 1986 (65.45) or the PP's landslide of May 24, 2010 (69.45), managed to attract the 70 per cent which voted overwhelmingly to reject the TOP and its alliance with the PP. The turnout in a THA election had only once before ever crossed 59 per cent and that was the 60 per cent in 2005.
But instead of following the wise counsel of Planning and Mobilisation Minister Dr Bhoe Tewarie, for all the parties of the PP to view the result as a reason for introspection and self-examination, the Government has proceeded to insult a large percentage of the T&T population for exercising their democratic right to vote for a party of their choice.
Warner has said they need to be lifted from mental slavery, while Suruj Rambachan has said they voted for corruption and incompetence. They have all agreed with the statement of the Congress of the People that ethnic fears could be the only reasonable explanation for voting against the PP.
The reason for the Tobago loss is easy for all to see and was obvious to everyone apart from the PP hierarchy and their strategists. Housing Minister Dr Roodal Moonilal noted paradoxically that the Trinidad PNM played no role in the Tobago victory and that not one PNM MP appeared on a Tobago platform or was allowed to speak, save for its Tobagonian political leader Dr Keith Rowley.
As I have noted here before, Tobago politics is driven not by race but by nationalism, and an Afro-Trinidadian leading a campaign for a THA election would have been just as offensive to Tobagonians. It is why Patrick Manning always kept a low profile in the THA elections and why Rowley, in two strategic moves that the PP never understood, managed to outwit Kamla Persad-Bissessar and the TOP campaign teams.
The first was to give the Tobago PNM the full autonomy in the party that they were seeking. The amendment of Sunday, December 2, to the party's convention in effect put the Tobago PNM in a federal relationship with its Trinidad counterpart. The leader of the Tobago PNM was no longer a deputy leader, but a leader in his own right, of the party's Tobago arm.
In an election where the polls showed the most important issue was internal self-government, it was an important signal to send. Conversely, the PP, with Ashworth Jack hanging on to Persad-Bissessar's coattails, was heading in the opposite direction.
Jack, who, it was exposed, could not even build a house on his own without the help of UNC financiers, was boasting that he talked with the Prime Minister every day. While it was hard to find a picture of Rowley and Orville London together, Persad-Bissessar and Jack were like Siamese twins.
While Jack was off-limits to the PNM MPs, Persad-Bissessar was all over the air calling respected elder statesman Hochoy Charles "a has-been" and hurling all manner of innuendo at other Tobago politicians.
And then there was the debate on the Constitution Amendment Bill. Rowley and the PNM took the position that it was a matter for the Tobago PNM, and no Trinidad PNM MP had the authority to speak on it. As a Tobagonian and the party's leader, Rowley alone spoke in the debate.
Incredibly, the PP led off the debate with Persad-Bissessar, who was followed by Dr Delmon Baker and Anil Roberts, with the other Tobago MP, Vernella Alleyne-Toppin, nowhere to be seen. But that was only part of the story. The real lesson of the election is just how out of touch the PP has become in just two and a half years.
It was not just Warner who never saw the defeat coming. At 8.30 on election night, long after the polls were closed, TOP chairman Lionel Coker was on i95 predicting a landslide victory, "And you take that to the bank", he told listeners. The campaign had already placed advertisements thanking voters for the "overwhelming support" and music trucks were lined up waiting for the fete.
Could a party in power be so out of touch with the electorate? Two and a half years ago the TOP gave its two Tobago seats to the UNC, as it had done before in the national elections of 1995, to help it get into government. It strains credulity and is an insult to them to say they have suddenly become racist. In assessing the results, the PM suggested Tobago had opted to keep the old tried and tested rather than voting for change.
She got it wrong. They voted to reject the change the entire country has been offered over the last two and a half years.
Maxie Cuffie runs a media consultancy, Integrated Media Company Ltd, is an economics graduate of the UWI and holds an MPA from the Harvard Kennedy School as a Mason Fellow in Public Policy and Management.
