Feminist, political anthropologist and T&T Guardian columnist Dr Gabrielle Hosein has been following the main politicians on the campaign trail in the Chaguanas West by-election. She writes about her observations during the campaign, the thoughts of the constituents and what she believes will be the lasting impact of the results.
No single constituency has had such political attention paid to the state of roads, drains, recreation grounds and schools as Chaguanas West. People remain distrustful, cynical that the politicians they meet today will return tomorrow.
The UNC knows that its heartland is emboldened to walk away with its jahaji bundle of votes if current campaign promises are not kept.
Whatever the national consequences, and regardless of which candidate wins, Chaguanas West will benefit from today's by-election.
Since campaigning began, I've talked to more than 200 voters, primarily women. That number seems small, but the data is repetitive, suggesting clear trends.
The majority of the women and men interviewed are either voting for Jack Warner or undecided. They think that Jack will succeed or it will be razor-close.
However, win, lose or draw, the by-election is a loss for the UNC. Jack Warner will get too much of the popular vote to make a UNC win a genuine triumph. He will undermine Khadijah Ameen's success by establishing a parallel state that delivers through his own and other private resources, ceaselessly wooing devotees across the nation, monopolising headlines like a many-headed hydra, and flinging open his Pandora's Box of exposes. He is already campaigning for local government elections, and the Government will get neither peace nor sleep until 2015.
There's karma here, no doubt. The nation will decide whether the UNC confronts it honestly through strengthening accountable and responsible party and governance structures, and re-connecting to grass-roots empowerment, or through expensive and ultimately unconvincing propaganda.
People wearing UNC jerseys are voting for Jack, and even those who "came back home" over the last few days will nurture off-script loyalties to him.
Many of these are Muslims, almost all are Indians, and increasing numbers are youth who came of age under his shadow. I've watched them shake Khadijah's hand and wave yellow flags, then quietly shake their heads. I've seen them tell campaigners one thing and me another, reassured I'm not part of the politics.
Green-shirted residents love Jack for helping them personally and for attending every wedding or funeral that mattered to them. One man said to me: "Indians are not a neemakaram people.
Didn't Jack help dem to win de election? Didn't Jack do plenty for people in here?"
Their hearts are at odds with the UNC-vs-PNM math in their minds. Even people who felt Jack didn't help want to give him a chance to do for them what he did for, say, Felicity and Warner Village. Some on both sides hope that the UNC and ILP can reconcile before true fratricide–and matricide– ensue. They've hated the shame of watching party leaders, once hugging up like family, brawl on TV.
'I voting for Kamla'
The UNC blames Jack for his betrayals, but rightly or wrongly many people blame Kamla for things falling apart.
Every time Kamla Persad-Bissessar lashed Jack Warner on the platform, it disgusted those who felt that she should show more respectability as a woman, as PM, for a man they felt best represented his constituency while shining as "action man" for the nation.
Kamla has also appeared a neemakaram for turning on him after his support for the party.
Those who voted for her in 2010 did so because they wanted change, and because she was a woman they felt could usher it in.
Few women are voting to put a woman in power in this election, though doubtless the PM still has star status that was crucial to the campaign.
Many felt that Khadijah should have campaigned alone, but that is na�ve when at stake is Persad-Bissessar's hold on the government and its credibility.
One woman assured me that she is "voting for Kamla," highlighting Khadijah's place at the periphery.
Kamla has put all her energies to supporting Khadijah, pointing to the possible impact a woman party leader and Prime Minister can have in advancing especially loyal and competent young women's political leadership, with the support of highly experienced women campaigners at the heart of the party machine.
Most people I spoke to agreed it is harder for a woman in politics because they are seen as "soft" and "have to constantly prove themselves" to not be seen as "weak" or get "fight down" by men.
Jack's personal attacks on Khadijah, with photos, records and rumours show this exactly, and he lost respect for turning so nasty. Some voters' decisions are based on UNC loyalty, but this is not the main rationale. They want to prevent a return to the PNM. They also don't know how Jack will swing, whatever his protestations that the PNM is "the enemy."
Others think Jack neglected their street and that he will be unable to be the best representative unless he is in government. Thinking historically, many of these voters keenly remember the decades of struggle it took to get into power.
They are emotionally attached to the narrative of their grandparents and parents voting for the DLP and ULF, and now the UNC.
These voters agree that Jack should have cleared FIFA allegations and some are concerned about the murky sources of his seemingly unending wealth. Love and admiration for Kamla Persad-Bissessar as first woman party leader and Prime Minister and icon of motherhood and care remain, but those are not deal-breakers. If Khadijah Ameen wins the by-election, it will be because voters were convinced that the UNC needs to retain the seat in order for constituency needs to be met and in order for the UNC and People's Partnership to remain in government.
March of the green brigade
History is not on the side of independents, but Jack's supporters admire his out-of-pocket paternalism, cultivate personal obligation to him, love his common touch, and are utterly indifferent to local or international accusations.
They say they are choosing corruption plus delivery instead of corruption plus neglect. They do not care about destabilising the government.
"Let them worry about that," they say, also noting the UNC's safe majority of seats, "if the constituency is not in the party, they will have to work harder in 2015," or, alternatively, "Yes, bring dem down, is Jack for PM!"
UNC campaigners say that Jack is promoting a "gimme" culture, politicking through handouts and playing on emotion. The UNC finds itself in the moral quandary of the PNM, unable to high-handedly accuse others of what they do too.
The green brigade symbolises national need and euphoria for "change," and is clearly sending an angry message about arrogance, inaccessibility and nepotism. Party insiders were saying this already.
Late-night road-paving, targeted visits to the Muslim community, and prime ministerial presence may enable popularity to peak on schedule, but "performance" means Jack in this constituency.
People are clamouring for the kind of representation they haven't seen in the UNC.
After the motorcades and the rallies, divisive emotions, desires and directions define today's victory, and the national momentum now rolling out from Chaguanas West's new reality.