I recall repeating the old adage that “our people are our greatest asset” on the United National Congress (UNC) hustings when our party and our People’s Partnership government were people-centred. At this moment, as a regular party member and citizen, I contemplate the constraints on current members of Government as other citizens approach me with their concerns.
When Canadian fertiliser giant Nutrien announced the indefinite shutdown of its Trinidad and Tobago nitrogen operations last week, my first concern was the families affected. Approximately 350 permanent employees face immediate termination, following an earlier layoff of 350 contract workers when operations were idled in October 2025. These figures exclude indirect jobs and income losses to suppliers, transport operators, maintenance companies and other contractors that depended on Nutrien.
After a 45-year history in T&T and an investment of US$130 million just in 2024, the company cited “port access restrictions and a lack of reliable and economic natural gas supply” as reasons for its withdrawal.
The National Gas Company (NGC) claimed Nutrien owed US$28 million in port fees, which Nutrien denied.
Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar defended NGC’s decisions, saying that it “will no longer sell its gas at prices that are not beneficial to the company.”
One citizen shared his concern with me that Nutrien was possibly “trying to hold the Government to ransom.” Energy Minister Dr Roodal Moonilal has indicated that discussions with the company are still ongoing, while Minister in the Ministry of Housing, Phillip Alexander, indicated here were three investors lined up to buy the Nutrien plant.
Might there be American interests ready to step in immediately, as we await the refurbishment of the Ibis Steel Plant and the siting of the data centres?
We know that hundreds of Trinidadian workers and their families are being negatively impacted by Nutrien’s pullout right now. The Prime Minister blames Nutrien for making the decision to “send them home.”
Proman had already announced a workforce restructuring in September due to uncertain gas supplies, but the NGC’s general position has been more about disagreements over commercial pricing than about actual gas volume shortages.
Massy Cat Ltd’s sale of its Caterpillar dealership to MACORP is also putting 140 workers on the breadline. With several labour leaders sitting in cabinet and the Government’s close relationship with others, today’s budget presentation’s treatment of unemployment and wage negotiations in a tight economy will be compelling.
Last Wednesday, the Municipal Corporations (Amendment) Bill, 2026 was passed in the lower house. PM KPB said the bill was one of her gifts to the nation as she enters her 40th year of public life.
I recall much being made of the red and yellow contrast on the map which tracked the results of the last local government elections in 2023. The land area covered was predominantly yellow, with 72-69 councillors elected in favour of the UNC over the People’s National Movement, yet the municipal corporations controlled score was a 7-7 dead heat.
The bill’s creation of three new municipalities, bringing the total to 17, could help prevent a future tie between the two major parties. St Augustine, Couva, and Barataria are the three additional borough corporations, with Sangre Grande also promoted to borough status. The truly historic implication of this bill is the elevation of Chaguanas to a city. St Joseph (1592), Port-of-Spain (1757) and San Fernando (1988) have been our only other cities.
Is the bustling, soon-to-be city of Chaguanas going to benefit from further public allocations and private investments? Will the surrounding areas also benefit? Will there be a move to “decentralise into central” from a Port-of-Spain concentration? What are the implications for vehicular traffic and residential developments over the coming years?
There is also a “floor-crossing” deterrent in the bill, which will vacate the office of any local government practitioner who openly changes political allegiance after an election. The UNC’s control over the Siparia Borough Corporation was affected by the defections of councillor Jason Ali and alderman Victor Roberts, which was compounded by the death of councillor Ramona Victor. Such defections will now be a thing of the past.
The Opposition dismissed the bill as ‘gerrymandering’, with MP Colm Imbert claiming that the new municipalities were created within UNC strongholds to stack the deck ahead of next year’s local government elections. This is an expected argument.
It is also highly unlikely that any Trinbagonian government would prioritise a bill to disadvantage its power. The fact that the Government only required a special majority to pass it is proof enough that its stipulations were within its remit. As MP Imbert said, if the people become angry at the government, they will be voted out regardless of the boundaries.
The Tunapuna/Piarco Regional Corporation, Couva-Tabaquite-Talparo Regional Corporation, and San Juan/Laventille Regional Corporation were indeed the largest municipalities in terms of the number of burgesses and, therefore, deserving of division. Although the Elections and Boundaries Commission did not participate in the Government’s municipal boundary review committee, it will be responsible for adjusting electoral district boundaries and conducting voter sensitisation ahead of LGE 2027.
The Special Operations Act, 2026, is now in force. The new policing districts will coincide with the newly proposed municipalities. The PM suggested that criminals should leave the areas where special operations were to be conducted. Are those PNM-controlled areas? Will there eventually be a call from PNM MPs to expand “closed areas” after their initial opposition? Will the budget debate in the days ahead confirm that adequate funding is available to support these new laws?
