Dr Winford James
Max Albert and I continue our series on the Tobago autonomy question.
With your indulgence, we wish to stay there for a while longer, for we believe there are still issues germane to the Tobago cause to be told. Today, we continue with a story Max Albert feels duty bound to tell. Sometimes a casual conversation unearths shocking, even frightening truths. So here goes.
The National Alliance for Reconstruction won the Tobago House of Assembly elections on December 09, 1996 and set about governing. The question of how Assemblymen were to be paid quickly arose, as it became obvious that the Salaries Review Commission was not prepared for our onboarding and perhaps could not have been. The legislation to govern the new Assembly, Act # 40 of 1996, was new off the press, having been passed and assented to only a few days before, but contained no specific numbers in terms of payment for Assemblymen. The mechanisms for those determinations were catered for in the confusion between section 16 ss 2 and ss 5, and thus, a quick decision had to be made in respect of what our remuneration package should contain since month end was days away.
Hochoy Charles and the then prime minister, Basdeo Panday, were not on proper speaking terms, so Hochoy, never one to be easily shackled, was not prepared to leave his Executive Council in limbo. With their approval, he paid us $9,000 per month, which he thought was fair and reasonable, whilst awaiting the recommendations of the Salaries Review Commission. His own salary was fixed in law and comparable to that of a Cabinet Minister and thus he had no personal difficulty in that regard.
Reports from the Salaries Review Commission came years later and they stated we had been overpaid. They recommended that we be paid a salary lower than what the Executive Council had agreed to pay us and, later, they increased that sum to one higher than the $9,000 the Executive had agreed to pay. The result was significant overpayments over a period, which were eventually deducted from improved salaries authorised by a final SRC report, which came later in our term. The balance, $600, was what was paid out.
We never saw the calculations! All of us received balances of mostly $600 or thereabouts.
Hochoy’s payment of $9,000 was therefore neither arbitrary nor reckless. It was made pursuant to the Assembly’s authority under section 16(5).
But overpaid Assemblymen? How could one be overpaid on account of remuneration lawfully fixed under the very legislation governing the Assembly, more specifically under section 25 (1-2)?
Later on, when we were out of office, Anselm London, the then secretary of finance, established a small unit to examine the so-called overpayment. They confirmed the overpayment. How then were we to be paid whilst governing Tobago, and what now was our fate, the matter having shifted into the hands of the PNM from January 29th 2001?
The answer, when it eventually came, was devastating. The calculations left most of us with $600. Yes, six hundred dollars. How did they arrive at that sum? Orville London, the brand-new chief secretary, approved of it all without consultation, conversation, consideration, or statesmanship!
Do not ask if I cried. I was left penniless, without a gratuity and without a pension.
I had left a well-paid job at the Water and Sewerage Authority, where I would have received a sizable enough gratuity commensurate with salaries paid at the time and a liveable pension today.
Others suffered the same fate too. Miriam Caesar-Moore, Stanley Beard, Judy Bobb, Carlyle Dick, Dolores Edwards, Eutrice Thornhill, and Beverly Ramsey-Moore, all of us absolutely belittled. Some of us had left well-paid jobs and careers across the private and public sectors to unquestioningly further the dream of an autonomous Tobago.
Stanley Beard tried to rely upon a dubious pension and gratuity arrangement under the Teaching Service Commission. He received nothing because his Assembly service was treated as a break in service.
Judy Bobb accepted a modest accounting job in the Assembly itself, now relegated to reporting to subordinates she once both made policy for and instructed. Dolores Edwards found work in the URP. Miriam Caesar-Moore and I attempted an agricultural project in Fishing Pond, Trinidad, where we were flooded out twice and eventually returned home.
Then came COVID-19 and destroyed what had become a thriving restaurant and a bakery enterprise I started in 2009.
Ashworth Jack attempted to persuade London to rectify the situation by negotiating and gaining approval for former Assemblymen and Secretaries on both sides of the political divide to receive pension and gratuity arrangements. He ignored us all. From 2001 to date, the matter remains unresolved. In the process, some were called home: Dolores, Jeff, Carlyle, Stanley.
I visited Stanley shortly before his passing. And … it was the first time I had ever seen him weep. He was in a wheelchair, frail, and unable to pay his bills. An intellectual giant had become a shadow of his former glory, and I wondered grimly about my own mortality and future. I was heartbroken.
The Tobago House of Assembly is the Republic’s second-highest constitutional institution. Yet many of its early office holders were left with salaries that did not reflect their responsibilities, pension arrangements that proved inadequate, and gratuities that, in some cases, amounted to almost nothing.
The pioneers who planted the corn were forgotten by the Republic.
This is the story of the 600. The story of men and women who left well-paying jobs to serve Tobago for next to nothing. The story of how they were underpaid and died without proper recognition.
Perhaps Chief Secretary Augustine should intervene under Section 16 ss 5?
Dr Winford James is a retired UWI lecturer who has been analysing issues in education, language, development and politics in Trinidad and Tobago and the wider Caribbean on radio and TV since the 1970s.
He has also written thousands of columns for all major newspapers in the country.
