Mariano Browne
Recent developments highlight the multiple challenges facing citizens. In the recent past, the budget became more of a public relations exercise than a tool for economic change. Finance Minister Davendranath Tancoo is in the same difficult position as his predecessor. His Independence Day message called for unity in the face of the sacrifices the country must make. Will he take tough decisions to make the necessary adjustments, or will he, like Mr Colm Imbert, say that all is well and kick the can down the road?
Central Bank indicated last week that the economy declined by 2.1 per cent in the first quarter. Available evidence suggests that this decline continued in the second quarter. The natural gas production has weakened, as has the performance of the petrochemical sector. Official foreign exchange reserves have continued to decline, mirroring the country’s economic performance. The 11th actuarial report on the National Insurance System and the Standard and Poor’s rating report added additional information, making the picture bleaker.
Since 2005, NIS actuarial reports have consistently indicated that the fund is unsustainable without significant changes because fewer workers are entering the workforce to contribute to an ever-increasing pool of retirees. The latest report (completed in 2024 but only made public last week) says that the NIS Fund will be extinguished by fiscal year 2033-2034, unless significant interventions are made … now.
The recommendations to correct this situation are well known. The first is to increase the retirement age to 65, and do that now because of the time taken to implement the recommendation. The second is to increase the contribution rate. The third is to freeze pensions. The fourth is to reduce the pension for those retiring before the recommended pensionable age.
These changes are necessary but unpopular. And every government and union leader since 2005 has lacked the political will to confront this unpopular reality. Will this administration, which has so many trade unionists as ministers, be any different?
Similarly, S&P’s 2025 rating report identified key weaknesses in T&T’s economic performance. On balance, it rates the T&T outlook as negative, indicating that this “reflects the possibility of a downgrade absent meaningful and timely steps to strengthen the sustainability of public finances, ensure balanced economic growth, and maintain the country’s strong external profile”. The report notes that there is a 33 per cent probability that S&P “could lower the ratings over the next six-24 months”.
The report succinctly states S&P’s concerns. First, the fiscal and external buffers have been weakening over time. Second, the long-term economic growth has been low. Third, there has been only limited progress by previous administrations in diversifying the economy, leaving it vulnerable to volatile energy prices. Fourth, output from the oil and gas sector has been declining. S&P also asked for more timely data. There can be no argument with the request, as there is no reason why GORTT cannot make the necessary improvements to ensure that data collection and dissemination are improved.
Why does this rating announcement matter? First, S&P is the only rating agency that gives T&T an investment-grade rating. Second, ratings matter, as a sub-investment grade rating means that the interest rate paid on T&T’s foreign loans would increase. Whilst it is tempting to think higher interest rates would only apply to new loans, all our foreign loans are repriced periodically. This means that debt service payments could increase. Were this to materialise, other expenditures would have to be cut to compensate for the increased debt service payments.
Everything S&P reports has been said repeatedly by other commentators. The real question is, how will these matters be addressed in the upcoming budget speech? The fiscal deficits have increased since the 2014 decline in energy prices. The international outlook for natural gas prices to 2030 is for lower prices as capacity exceeds world demand. Therefore, even if the Manatee project improves gas production, the fiscal impact is likely to be limited. Further, Exxon executives dampened any expectation that T&T could be another Guyana.
The decline in foreign exchange reserves was singled out for special mention. If the foreign exchange earnings continue to decline, this will affect the country’s ability to pay its international debt service obligations. Lower gas prices make this a likely scenario. A heavily managed exchange rate (ie, a fixed rate at too low a price) suggests the current system is hampering a normal adjustment process. Nothing that has been said or done to date indicates that this administration is prepared to address the imbalance by implementing a market-based approach.
The techniques to address the deficiencies identified by S&P are straightforward. First, the deficit could be reduced or eliminated over time by increasing taxes, either by raising income tax rates or by introducing new taxes. Second, the government’s operating efficiency could be improved, increasing output without increasing expenditure. Last week, Minister Tancoo said that the administration would improve revenue collection by improving Inland Revenue but did not identify wider efficiency measures. Third, it could cut expenditure.
These are difficult options and explain the minister’s Independence Day message. Explaining and articulating the options, actions, opportunities and challenges to convince citizens of the need for tough measures is the political challenge. There are no quick fixes.
Mariano Browne is the Chief Executive Officer of the UWI Arthur Lok Jack Global School of Business.