From the modern city of Manaus in the Brazilian Amazon, the Rupununi Savannah in the Guyanese outback now beckoned. But we must first get to Boa Vista, Roraima’s purposefully planned capital, with its delightfully wide, bright avenues on the Branco River.
But it’s some distance away.
“12 hours by bus!” responded one traveller incredulously when I remarked about the time it was going to take to get from Manaus to Boa Vista.
“Never mind, we take a brief stop for lunch, there’s a toilet on the bus and you can also catch up on sleep,” I reassured him. “And don’t forget, on our way back to Manaus, we fly from Boa Vista. It’s a mere one hour and 15 minutes’ flight.”
Indeed, it took 12 hours to get to Boa Vista. We left Manaus at 10 am and arrived at our hotel in Boa Vista at 10 pm.
My last visit to that part of the globe with a group of Trinis was way back in 2013. As we journeyed this time along the 760-kilometre Highway BR-174, I distinctly recalled crossing the equatorial line that demarcates the northern from the southern hemisphere.
At precisely this point, there was a marker indicating zero degrees latitude. I also recalled the signage on the side of the road indicating to travellers that they were passing through the Waimiri-Atroari Reserve—territory of indigenous people.
What the signs did not say then, in 2013, nor now, in August 2026, was the number of lives that were lost—highway workers and officials, as well as members of the Waimiri tribe—during the building of the highway in the period of Brazil’s military dictatorship, from 1964 to 1985.
In 2019, a historic inquest by a federal court took place in a makeshift court—a traditional thatched hut—on Waimiri-Atroari land. Many indigenous elders testified that state-sponsored massacres, aerial bombings and chemical warfare were perpetrated against them by the Brazilian army during the military dictatorship.
As we travelled further south, I noticed a distinct change in the vegetation at the side of the highway since my last visit. Tropical rainforest, grazing pastureland and scrubland gave way to tidy, almost manicured plantations of palm oil.
Doing some research when I returned home, I discovered that Brazil, in its haste to combat climate change, invested heavily in a “sustainable” aviation fuel (SAF) project using biofuels like palm oil as raw material.
This sat well with President Lula, who dubbed it “the fuel of the future,” much to the disgust of environmental experts who bemoaned further deforestation of the Amazon rainforest as a result.
We were due to spend the night in Boa Vista at Hotel Aipana Plaza, whose Guyanese-born Front Office Manager, Travis D’Aguiar, waited patiently for us to turn up.
We did, if not a wee bit later than expected.
The following afternoon, we reached Hotel Takutu in Lethem, Guyana, at about 4 pm.
From Boa Vista via the border town of Bonfim, we travelled on a recently paved first-class highway and crossed a modern, 230-metre concrete and steel bridge built by the Brazilians over the Takutu River.
Completed in 2009, the construction of the bridge was a clear signal that Brazil meant business. And Guyana likewise.
The bridge was even designed to allow drivers coming from Brazil to Guyana to transition smoothly to the left side of the road and drivers leaving for Brazil to transition easily to the right side.
Barring some delay caused by unduly officious Guyanese border officials, we would have covered the Boa Vista-Lethem leg of the tour in less than two hours!
Boa Vista, capital of a state rich in precious metals, including gold and silver, and bountiful minerals, shone in comparison to dusty Lethem, only just beginning to come out of its shell.
Significant investments by the Chinese in road building, real estate, warehousing, retail and whole stores with just about everything on sale stared you in the face.
In these borderlands, Brazilians flock to Lethem, where prices are attractive, while Guyanese tourists, with more disposable income from the country’s oil boom, make a beeline for Boa Vista and Manaus for something radically different.
In both cities, they get hints of what life can be like in an upper-middle-income nation, as defined by the experts.
“Easter time is the tourist high season here. The place is packed with local and foreign tourists who’ve come to experience the annual rodeo, celebrating the life of the local cowboy—the vaquero—on the cattle ranches of the Rupununi,” said Marva Johnson, Manageress of Hotel Takutu, probably the oldest and best hotel in Lethem, partly founded by her grandfather, Ivan Johnson, in the 1960s.
“I’m here for other purposes and my group is fine with that,” I thought to myself, thinking that one day I’ll bring a group to experience the traditions of the vaquero at Easter.
The landscape of the Rupununi, with its sweeping savannah, punctuated by huge termite mounds against the backdrop of the Kanuku Mountains, was unique.
We also undertook a challenging hike, following the course of a river over rocky terrain at the base of the mountain. We eventually reached a waterfall, where we were rewarded with the opportunity to cool off.
As far as the Rupununi was concerned, Venezuela’s ridiculous claim on all its territory notwithstanding, I had finally stepped foot on the land on which my father worked in the 1930s, when the boundary with Brazil was being surveyed by Colonel Hudson and the Boundary Commission.
In conversation with Andave, a guide in his early 20s, I tried raising the question of the Rupununi rebellion, which took place in 1969, long before he was born.
“Never even heard of it in my history classes at school,” he asserted.
I preferred not to pursue the question and must rely on my own research, thanks to reports in Guyanese newspapers at the time of the rebellion.
In a nutshell, three years after British Guiana became Guyana, an independent state, a number of privileged cattle ranchers and their supporters, including Amerindians from the Rupununi, fearing a takeover of their land by President Forbes Burnham and encouraged by Valerie Hart, a politician associated with the minority party United Force, crossed the border to Venezuela.
It was rumoured that the Hart and Melville families—the Savannah elite—wanted to form an independent “Republic of the Rupununi” with help from neighbouring Venezuela.
There, it is alleged, they received weapons and training from the Venezuelan military.
They returned after a week with weapons such as bazookas and almost immediately launched an attack on the Lethem Police Station, resulting in the deaths of five police officers, two of senior rank, and two civilians.
Meanwhile, the Guyanese Defence Force got word of the plot and flew in aircraft with soldiers aboard, stopping a rebellion that was clearly poorly planned.
While Hart and other key leaders sought and received asylum in Venezuela and Brazil, the vast majority of rebels who were arrested and brought to Georgetown for trial had charges of murder and related crimes dropped almost immediately.
In January 1970, of the 10 men who were put on trial for murder, seven were found not guilty by the jury, while the remaining three were discharged without conviction by the magistrate on no-case submissions.
