Mickela Panday
If this Government truly believes Caricom is “dysfunctional” and “unreliable,” then a simple question must be answered: Why wasn’t Trinidad and Tobago in the room when it mattered most?
Leadership, especially in foreign affairs, requires presence, engagement and the willingness to confront issues in real time. Yet by leaving the Heads of Government meeting in St Kitts and Nevis before its conclusion, Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar forfeited that opportunity. You cannot accuse a process of lacking transparency while absenting yourself from the very forum where transparency could be demanded.
That contradiction matters because it points to a deeper issue: What exactly is this Government’s policy on Caricom?
Beyond strong language and public outrage, there has been no clear articulation of how Trinidad and Tobago intends to engage, influence, or reform the regional bloc. If Caricom is not functioning “optimally and efficiently,” as claimed, then what is the plan? What reforms are being proposed? How will this country use its position to strengthen regional governance rather than weaken it?
These are not theoretical concerns. Caricom is a critical economic partner. Trinidad and Tobago earns over US$1.1 billion in foreign exchange from exports to the region, with roughly 10 per cent of our global exports tied to Caricom markets. This is about jobs, business activity and economic stability. Diplomacy in this space is about protecting national interests.
Instead, what we have seen is escalation. Words like “surreptitious,” “odious,” and “ruthless” do not build alliances or resolve disputes. Serious diplomacy requires discipline, consistency and credibility.
It is within this context that the performance of Minister Sean Sobers must be examined.
From the outset, his handling of this matter has been marked by contradiction. The Government’s central claim is that Trinidad and Tobago was excluded from the Caricom retreat in Nevis, where the reappointment of Dr Carla Barnett was finalised.
However, that claim is not uncontested. Regional leaders have offered a very different account. Dr Terrence Drew, Chairman of Caricom, stated that the PM departed on February 25, ahead of the February 26 retreat, and efforts were made to ensure Trinidad and Tobago’s participation. According to him, Minister Sobers was invited to attend but declined, citing concerns about travelling by water taxi, a standard mode of transport between St Kitts and Nevis.
Similarly, Dr Irfan Ali has maintained that the process used to reappoint Dr Barnett followed established precedent, reinforcing the position that normal procedures were observed.
Taken together, these accounts directly challenge the Government’s narrative.
Minister Sobers, for his part, has rejected these claims outright. He has described them as a “big, bald-faced lie,” insisting he never refused to attend due to seasickness and that any such remark was made in jest. He maintained he was ready to attend but was informed on the morning that only Heads of Government would be permitted.
He said he verified this through official channels and pointed to a message indicating that Foreign Ministers were to remain for Community Council meetings while Heads convened separately.
But this only sharpens the issue. The country is now faced with two fundamentally opposing versions of events.
If there is clear evidence confirming that ministers were not allowed to attend, why has it not been presented promptly and publicly?
Equally troubling is the tone that has now taken hold. Sean Sobers did not simply respond to criticism; he told Dr Ralph Gonsalves to focus on “what is taking place in St Vincent” and on winning another seat. That is not diplomacy. That is political grandstanding and it has no place in the conduct of foreign affairs.
Worse, it is beginning to feel like a pattern. There is an emerging perception that some ministers treat serious regional engagement as an extension of domestic political rhetoric, dismissive, combative and at times outright rude. That approach does not project strength; it signals indiscipline. Trinidad and Tobago has long been regarded as a serious voice in Caricom. That reputation is now being tested.
That matters because in diplomacy, perception shapes reality and the signal being sent is a troubling one. Trinidad and Tobago now risks isolating itself from a bloc it claims to support, in a region where cooperation is critical to trade, security and economic stability.
Minister Sobers’ own statements add to the inconsistency. His remark that the Prime Minister’s presence “wouldn’t have changed the price of peas” raises an obvious question: if attendance would not have mattered, why is exclusion now being framed as a crisis?
None of this is to dismiss concerns about transparency. If procedures were not properly followed, they must be addressed. But that requires engagement, evidence and diplomacy.
Trinidad and Tobago does not have the luxury of getting this wrong. Too much is at stake, economically, diplomatically and strategically.
This is not just about a disputed appointment. It is about whether this country is showing up, speaking with credibility and leading with purpose in a region where its voice has always mattered.
Right now, the signals are mixed, the messaging is inconsistent and the approach is reactive. If that continues, Trinidad and Tobago risks losing influence in a region where it can least afford to.
Mickela Panday is the Political Leader of the Patriotic Front and Attorney at Law.
