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Wednesday, August 20, 2025

Be ye ever so high, the people are above you

by

Helen Drayton
331 days ago
20240922
Helen Drayton

Helen Drayton

Mis­takes are a nat­ur­al as­pect of life, as is con­flict. Nei­ther is nec­es­sar­i­ly bad, as out­comes may in­di­cate a need for new think­ing and change. How of­ten have we wit­nessed con­flict be­tween in­de­pen­dent of­fices and gov­ern­ment min­is­ters? As the dis­putes play out, pub­lic mis­trust deep­ens, and em­bat­tled in­de­pen­dent pub­lic of­fi­cers do not come out un­scathed. Both par­ties are usu­al­ly blamed, re­gard­less of who in­sti­gat­ed the sad episodes. In­evitably, in­de­pen­dent of­fi­cials have more to lose as pub­lic trust in politi­cians is not typ­i­cal­ly high, es­pe­cial­ly in times of high crime and oth­er laps­es—some en­tire­ly avoid­able, like the in­sen­si­tive roll-out of the prop­er­ty tax.

The Gov­ern­ment and state in­sti­tu­tions spend mil­lions an­nu­al­ly lit­i­gat­ing, not al­ways pri­mar­i­ly in the tax­pay­ers’ best in­ter­ests but be­cause of in­com­pe­tence, pro­ce­dur­al un­fair­ness, and a lack of ap­pre­ci­a­tion for pru­dent cor­po­rate prac­tices, not all of which are found in rule books but come with ex­pe­ri­ence and wis­dom.

How many cas­es re­sult from abuse of au­thor­i­ty and po­lit­i­cal hubris—a kind of cock­i­ness of high­er mor­tals! It is vex­ing that tax­pay­ers’ mon­ey is wast­ed on avoid­able lit­i­ga­tion when on­ly re­cent­ly, for ex­am­ple, par­ents and teach­ers protest­ed the fail­ure to make school build­ings hab­it­able and we heard the prob­lem was no mon­ey.

Of course, some­times lit­i­ga­tion is in­deed the wis­est course of ac­tion. But pub­lic of­fi­cers dis­play their eth­i­cal ori­en­ta­tion re­gard­ing us­ing tax­pay­ers’ mon­ey when they reck­less­ly risk lit­i­ga­tion or use it as a first re­course rather than re­solv­ing is­sues via me­di­a­to­ry and oth­er in­ter­ces­so­ry means or just old-fash­ioned re­spect­ful di­a­logue.

Tax­pay­ers will bear the cost of the Au­di­tor Gen­er­al and Min­is­ter of Fi­nance’s im­passe over a mis­take in the na­tion­al ac­counts that could have been re­solved through ex­ist­ing au­dit and clar­i­fi­ca­tion pro­ce­dures and in dis­cus­sion with the Cen­tral Bank.

It is easy to em­pathise with any­one who feels the dis­pute is tir­ing and a waste of mon­ey. The pri­or­i­ty should be the pub­lic good and re­spect shown for con­sti­tu­tion­al oblig­a­tions—the Min­is­ter of Fi­nance’s oblig­a­tion to pro­duce ac­cu­rate and ver­i­fi­able ac­counts and the Au­di­tor Gen­er­al’s man­date to au­dit the ac­counts.

Of­ten, con­flict de­gen­er­ates in­to puerile par­ti­san pol­i­tics, as in this case. Re­port­ed­ly, a dis­crep­an­cy of $2.6 bil­lion in rev­enue was caused by a glitch in the Cen­tral Bank’s new cheque clear­ance sys­tem in 2023, sev­er­al months be­fore the na­tion­al ac­counts’ dead­line. In cor­po­rate life, ac­count­ing er­rors hap­pen of­ten.

What is es­sen­tial is ma­te­ri­al­i­ty and the will­ing­ness of of­fi­cials to com­mu­ni­cate and re­solve mat­ters. A $2.6 bil­lion er­ror is ma­te­r­i­al, so an in­ves­ti­ga­tion should be par for the course to im­prove risk man­age­ment and oth­er sys­tems, in­clud­ing train­ing, and to ini­ti­ate dis­ci­pli­nary ac­tion if there is ev­i­dence of neg­li­gence. The $2.6 bil­lion er­ror was not the on­ly ma­te­r­i­al prob­lem. An au­di­tor must get ev­i­dence to cor­rob­o­rate in­for­ma­tion.

Gen­er­al­ly, con­flict be­tween par­ties may oc­cur due to change, tech­nol­o­gy, in­com­pe­tence, in­ci­vil­i­ty, cul­ture, de­cep­tion, in­ter­per­son­al re­la­tion­ships, ar­ro­gance, self­ish mo­tives, po­lit­i­cal par­ti­san­ship, and bound­ed ra­tio­nal­i­ty—when de­ci­sion-mak­ing is based on se­lec­tive per­cep­tion and, there­fore, lim­it­ed ra­tio­nal­i­ty. Con­sti­tu­tion­al in­de­pen­dence from the po­lit­i­cal ex­ec­u­tive doesn’t mean there shouldn’t be dis­cus­sion and ad­min­is­tra­tive co­op­er­a­tion be­tween par­ties. Nei­ther does it rule out ro­bust but re­spect­ful dis­agree­ment and le­git­i­mate com­pro­mise.

Ev­i­dent­ly, there’s a need for third-par­ty in­ter­ven­tion when cer­tain sit­u­a­tions arise to pre­vent the con­flict from bleed­ing all over the pub­lic. As the le­gal ad­vis­er to the Gov­ern­ment, de­fend­er of the pub­lic in­ter­est, and pro­tec­tor of cit­i­zens’ rights, what is the role of the At­tor­ney Gen­er­al in mit­i­gat­ing such harm­ful con­flict? Who has the clout to ad­vise hard­line politi­cians and the Cab­i­net on pru­dent op­tions? Who’s to guide tech­ni­cal­ly com­pe­tent in­de­pen­dent of­fi­cers who may need broad­er cor­po­rate gov­er­nance ex­pe­ri­ence, po­lit­i­cal sen­si­tiv­i­ty, and re­flec­tive rather than re­ac­tive lead­er­ship styles?

It goes with­out say­ing that “in­de­pen­dent” of­fi­cers should stand their ground on prin­ci­ple to pre­serve the in­tegri­ty of their of­fices. How they do that is an­oth­er mat­ter.

The Au­di­tor Gen­er­al and the Min­is­ter of Fi­nance are not above the Con­sti­tu­tion and pub­lic scruti­ny. Par­lia­ment has over­sight of the Au­di­tor Gen­er­al’s of­fice and the Gov­ern­ment’s per­for­mance, but Par­lia­ment is of lim­it­ed val­ue due to par­ti­san pol­i­tics, the Gov­ern­ment’s dom­i­nance, and the in­ef­fec­tive­ness of Par­lia­ment’s over­sight com­mit­tees.

Co-opt­ing im­par­tial pro­fes­sion­als should strength­en these com­mit­tees to bring their ex­per­tise to bear as ap­pro­pri­ate.

Of course, wise lead­er­ship and moral sua­sion re­main the best op­tions to re­solve con­flict, re­mem­ber­ing that—to re­fash­ion the 1977 pro­nounce­ment of Lord Jus­tice Den­ning—Be ye ever so high, the peo­ple are above you.


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