Tony Rakhal-Fraser
“Everybody wore red, indicating their respect for the dead; they were bearing…oh lord ah never see so much crowd and everybody singing aloud and wey they singing, power in the hands of the people now.”
The Mighty Duke saw it as a search for fundamental change from the slave and indentured society to one in which they, then the “Wretched of the Earth”, were seeking to take the “power”, establish themselves in a country, a societal culture, an economy which they had helped to construct, but one in which they were shut out from meaningful participation.
One group of the masses had been persuaded by the Oxford historian, who had acknowledged that people of the country had paid for his education, and swore he had returned to help them; but alas 14 years after, the children and grandchildren, felt no meaningful transformation to their station, and so felt free to display their dissatisfaction with the slow pace of transition; if indeed it was being attempted as the social and economic relations had not sufficiently shifted, if at all; the core of the economy remained the same, foreign capital in control; white, high brown, and social class dominance remained intact, indeed, had widened; a merchant class continued its dependence on the products of the foreign manufacturers; while they, the promised, had to settle for the “crumbs that fell off the table.”
Uriah had welcomed Rienzi to organise workers in oil and sugar in 1937; their grandchildren thought it a fitting continuation to march to Caroni (Africans and Indians Unite), to once again bridge the historical gap caused by colonialism, and to continue the attempts to bring sugar and oil, the base of the civilisation and economy, together, and to update the “University of Woodford Square” to the “People’s Parliament”.
But the historian and the Pundit-trade union leader immediately understood the implications of such a possibility; while the Archbishop (a good man) felt the historical shackles of the French-Creole elite of the Church, which had already been desecrated; “Communism” was the magical response of the historian while pledging his loyalty to the cause; and when the restless and highly-trained soldiers intended to leave Tetron (Teteron), the war ships had already set sail.
What is still to be marveled at is the moblised consciousness in small town Belmont, Laventy/ Shanty Town, in Sando by Young Power, pundits in Woodford Square, the UWI Campus, Sir George Williams in the cold; Motown; in the trade union demos; by graduates and undergraduates; trade unionists, led by groups and individuals of differing ideological orientation and ambitions, but with a genuine understanding of the condition of those who had placed their faith in “doctor politics” but had lost hope.
Carnival is ah bacchanal, yes, but J’Ouvert 1970 was serious and revealing for those with eyes to see and pulse to feel: “The Truth About Blacks Before, After and Now” --- Pinetoppers from Behind de Bridge, Belmont and San Juan. They had been reading Fanon, Garvey, James, listening to the black Motown Sounds and Duke preaching racial consciousness.
“We did not invite the trade unionists and members of NJAC; they came like candle flies to the light: Geddes Granger, Dave Darbeau, Nunez, Young and poet Lassana Kwesi,” says a Pinetopper, Lennox Toussaint.
In St James, completely unaware of the depictions in town, “1001 White Devils” paraded, no consultation between the organisers of the bands from the West and the East; but the vibes were there, interpreting an historical betrayal; “sufferation” resulted in “true, true” ole mas.
Black Pride had an awakening, Indian consciousness arose and with intention, the French-Creole went underground; La Guerre, Samaroo, Best, Millette, Jacobs, Riviere and others contributed to the rising conscious; on the streets, Shanty Town and Sea Lots, Caroni and Scarborough became alerted to what was happening.
But the political party culture hit back to thwart and to divert from the growing and combined action for a return to “rum and roti” politics, and to feed suspicions and insecurities; what had been started in the 1950s in local politics and had its consolidation in People’s National Movement and Democratic Labour Party tribal associations, took over; it has gained sophistication, but remains as divisive as ever.
The drag bros engaged conscious activities, the black middle-class swelled, perhaps in pomposity too and unconcern for the struggle: “Dey doh care if Ash Wednesday fall on Good Friday” (Valentino); the Indians, emergent from the cane fields, from bull cart to taxis, from small business to corporate success and high educational achievement; who could jealous them?
Party politics has created enmity, jealousy and even hate in the fight over the spoils. First, ganja, now hard drugs have intervened and so too capital. One man who make jail for the herb, told me the weed “cool down men”; I added, made them unconscious.
Is there hope for a new consciousness to arise? It’s even more difficult now; the politics and politicians inside and outside are the greatest hindrances, but still, the “masses” have become camatosed, easy prey for those Shadow called the “controllers”.
Tony Rakhal-Fraser – freelance journalist, former reporter/current affairs programme host, and News Director at TTT; programme producer/current affairs director at Radio Trinidad; correspondent for the BBC Caribbean Service and the Associated Press; graduate of UWI, CARIMAC, Mona, and St Augustine – Institute of International Relations.
