Haiti, I’m sorry. Haiti, I’m sorry
One day we’ll turn our heads.
Restore your glory.
The words of veteran T&T calypsonian David Rudder’s Haiti, an ode to that country’s struggles to right itself decades ago, still ring powerfully today as the French-speaking Caribbean nation seeks to restore peace and political stability within its borders yet again.
Already stifled by unending poverty throughout its history, this time, however, it is the stranglehold enforced by a group of gang leaders who are essentially holding Haiti to ransom.
Powerful gang leader Jimmy “Barbeque” Cherizier has so far rejected attempts by foreign entities seeking to clear the path for a transition to a new leader, having already forced Prime Minister Ariel Henry into resignation—albeit by threat of unleashing more “civil unrest” upon the citizenry in Port-au-Prince.
Cherizier and his G9 Family and Allies alliance have for years terrorised Haitians but in recent times have focused their attention more on the capital, as he seeks to be the main powerbroker in a process that only he seems to know the outcome of.
His men have attacked police stations, the main jails and even foreign aid installations in the capital, with the obvious result being human casualties.
Hundreds of law-abiding Haitians have fled their homes amid the violence for safer areas, including neighbouring Dominican Republic.
Caricom leaders are meanwhile seeking to pave the way for the transition but there is nothing that suggests they will get the full cooperation of the main players in Haiti.
In the first instance, Henry, still in effective exile in Puerto Rico because he cannot return home under the threat of escalating violence, has only agreed to resign on condition that a transitional council is set up by Caricom.
There is no doubt, however, that he has reached the end of his run. His departure is being welcomed by civil bodies, who now see his refusal to hold elections since being named to the post in 2021, just before the assassination of then-President Jovenel Moise, as a sign he is not fully vested in the welfare of the country.
Cherizier has, meanwhile, alerted Caricom he will not respect their decisions, telling Al Jazeera recently, “I’m going to say to the traditional politicians that are sitting down with Caricom, since they went with their families abroad, we who stayed in Haiti have to take the decisions.”
If therefore, Caricom’s efforts will not be recognised by the man holding the main power chips in Haiti, exactly what do the regional leaders expect to achieve?
The irony in all this, of course, is the fact that several Caricom leaders, T&T and Jamaica’s heads among them, currently have their own issues of law and order to focus on and may be on shaky moral ground in trying to convince Cherizier to give up the power he thinks he has.
Needless to say, we are not comfortable that a Caricom-driven process will lead Haiti out of the political and social quagmire it is now in, since direct intervention is clearly being resisted for now.
It is clear, however, that at this point in time, although the United States is influencing the attempted transition from behind the scenes, nothing will materialise anytime soon to release Haiti from Cherizier’s grip.