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Saturday, July 26, 2025

Invisible no more: One Dalit woman’s reckoning with India

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20 days ago
20250704

Baby­tai Kam­ble, from In­dia’s low­est caste, wrote a sear­ing mem­oir about what it means to be poor, fe­male, and shunned—and forced the world to look.

As In­dia’s Prime Min­is­ter Naren­dra Mo­di con­clud­ed his first state vis­it to Trinidad and To­ba­go last week (Ju­ly 3-4), Book­shelf turns its at­ten­tion to the women whose lives re­main far from the glare of diplo­mat­ic cer­e­mo­ny—specif­i­cal­ly, one Dalit woman whose lit­er­ary voice has, at last, been re­stored to In­dia’s book­shelf. In a re­pub­lic where women are both tal­is­mans and ca­su­al­ties of de­vel­op­ment, Baby­tai Kam­ble’s mem­oir The Pris­ons We Broke (1986) re­mains a vis­cer­al, nec­es­sary reck­on­ing.

In­dia is un­mis­tak­ably glob­al: a nu­clear and space pow­er with the world’s fifth-largest econ­o­my, a ris­ing voice in G20 diplo­ma­cy, and a na­tion whose dig­i­tal reach now stretch­es from the man­grove swamps of the Sun­dar­bans to the arid edges of Ra­jasthan, from the Hi­malayan foothills to the beach­es of Kanyaku­mari.

Its cities—Ben­galu­ru, Hy­der­abad, Gu­ru­gram—are lat­ticed with fly­overs, metro rails, and IT cam­pus­es. Its mar­bled shop­ping cen­tres are crammed with in­ter­na­tion­al brands. Un­der­sea ca­bles thread the coasts of Ker­ala and Tamil Nadu, feed­ing the world’s da­ta de­mand. Ex­press­ways cleave through farm­land, con­nect­ing state cap­i­tals to Spe­cial Eco­nom­ic Zones.

And yet: less than ten per cent of In­di­ans own 77 per cent of the na­tion’s wealth (Ox­fam In­dia, 2023). In 2025, 20 protests oc­cur dai­ly. Sev­en states—in­clud­ing Jam­mu and Kash­mir, Pun­jab, Na­ga­land, Ma­nipur, As­sam, Mi­zo­ram, and Tripu­ra—sig­nal sep­a­ratist as­pi­ra­tions. And for the vast ma­jor­i­ty of In­dia’s women, class, caste, and gen­der re­main over­lap­ping re­straints.

The ten­sions that grip In­dia—eco­nom­ic in­equal­i­ty, re­gion­al un­rest, and dai­ly dis­sent—are mir­rored most acute­ly in the lives of its women, es­pe­cial­ly those at the bot­tom of the caste lad­der.

To un­der­stand Baby­tai Kam­ble’s voice, one must un­der­stand caste. Though out­lawed by In­dia’s 1950 Con­sti­tu­tion, caste re­mains the in­vis­i­ble ar­chi­tec­ture of In­di­an so­ci­ety.

There are four tra­di­tion­al var­nas—Brah­mins (priests), Ksha­triyas (war­riors), Vaishyas (traders), and Shu­dras (labour­ers)—but Dal­its, for­mer­ly called “Un­touch­ables”, fall out­side this sys­tem al­to­geth­er. They are of­ten as­signed the most stig­ma­tised and dan­ger­ous forms of labour and are sub­ject to vi­o­lent dis­crim­i­na­tion and so­cial ex­clu­sion.

In­dia has over 600,000 vil­lages. While its megac­i­ties—Mum­bai, Del­hi, Chen­nai—are con­nect­ed to glob­al cir­cuits of cap­i­tal, fash­ion, and in­for­ma­tion, its vil­lages of­ten lack run­ning wa­ter, func­tion­ing schools, or elec­tric­i­ty. The worlds of vil­lage and city rarely con­verge. In the vil­lages, caste still de­ter­mines one’s job, mar­riage prospects, and even ac­cess to drink­ing wa­ter.

Baby­tai Kam­ble was born in 1929 in Ma­ha­rash­tra to a Dalit fam­i­ly of the Ma­har caste. To un­der­stand the force of her life and work, one must un­der­stand that Dal­its—the so-called “bro­ken peo­ple”—have his­tor­i­cal­ly been barred from tem­ples, schools, wells, and even the shad­ow of up­per-caste Hin­dus.

They were con­demned to “pol­lut­ing” work: leather tan­ning, waste re­moval, corpse dis­pos­al. Even to­day, Dal­its face sys­temic dis­crim­i­na­tion in ed­u­ca­tion, em­ploy­ment, and jus­tice.

Dalit women en­dure a dou­ble mar­gin­al­i­sa­tion. They are of­ten vic­tims of caste-based sex­u­al vi­o­lence, de­nied po­lit­i­cal voice, and ex­clud­ed even from fem­i­nist dis­course. The 2022 UN Women In­dia re­port doc­u­ment­ed that Dalit women suf­fer high­er rates of il­lit­er­a­cy, child mar­riage, and do­mes­tic abuse. Their lives re­main large­ly un­record­ed.

Kam­ble broke that si­lence with her mem­oir, Ji­na Amucha (Our Life)/ Trans­lat­ed in Eng­lish as The Pris­ons We Broke by Maya Pan­dit and pub­lished by Ori­ent Black­swan (2008), it was among the first au­to­bi­ogra­phies by a Dalit woman.

Kam­ble wrote not in Eng­lish or San­skri­tised Hin­di, but in raw, spo­ken Marathi. Her sto­ry of grow­ing up in Phal­tan, a vil­lage where men­stru­at­ing women were sent to cow sheds and Dal­its to the mar­gins, is told in sear­ing de­tail:

“We were sur­round­ed by dirt and squalor. The stench of dead an­i­mals filled the air. The Brah­mins and Marathas walked past us hold­ing their noses, their heads high, like we were in­vis­i­ble.”

Kam­ble de­scribes watch­ing her moth­er sweep dung from up­per-caste homes be­fore be­ing hand­ed stale bread for wages. When her fa­ther, a labour­er, fell ill, no Brah­min doc­tor would treat him. The women in her mo­hal­la ( neigh­bour­hood) worked from be­fore dawn un­til dusk, and were of­ten mocked or as­sault­ed by the men whose homes they scrubbed.

Kam­ble was a fol­low­er of B R Ambed­kar, the Dalit lawyer and econ­o­mist who draft­ed In­dia’s Con­sti­tu­tion and con­vert­ed to Bud­dhism, re­ject­ing Hin­du casteism. Kam­ble fol­lowed him, both spir­i­tu­al­ly and in­tel­lec­tu­al­ly. Ed­u­ca­tion, for her, was a form of re­sis­tance. She wrote by night, af­ter tend­ing to her chil­dren and chores, her fin­gers aching from the day’s work.

“We had no lamp oil. I wrote with the fire­light from our chul­ha (mud stove). I wrote be­cause I had to re­mem­ber. If I didn’t, who would?”

Kam­ble’s work re­mained un­pub­lished for decades. She was a school dropout, a woman, a Dalit—three strikes in In­dia’s lit­er­ary world. But by the 1980s, Marathi Dalit lit­er­a­ture had be­gun to find voice, and Kam­ble’s work was passed from hand to hand, copied by women who recog­nised their lives in it.

In The Pris­ons We Broke, Kam­ble writes: “We were women twice bound. First by men, then by caste. Our wombs birthed labour­ers for the world that de­spised us.”

This was no lament. It was a ledger of what had been done and by whom.

If Kam­ble’s child­hood was spent watch­ing from out­side the class­room door, to­day’s mid­dle- and up­per-class In­di­an girls walk in­to air-con­di­tioned in­ter­na­tion­al schools, tog­gling be­tween In­sta­gram and ex­am prep.

The gulf is not mere­ly of wealth, but of in­her­it­ed dig­ni­ty. Dalit girls still face the pos­si­bil­i­ty of rape on the walk to school. In a 2020 Hu­man Rights Watch re­port, Dalit stu­dents were rou­tine­ly de­nied en­try to tem­ples, made to clean toi­lets at school, and barred from din­ing halls.

Mean­while, In­dia’s priv­i­leged women—es­pe­cial­ly ur­ban pro­fes­sion­als—in­hab­it a dif­fer­ent re­pub­lic. They wear shorts in night­clubs, brunch in rose gar­dens, and glide through traf­fic in Pradas and Bent­leys along high­ways and by­ways built un­der the ocean.

They have des­ti­na­tion wed­dings in Eu­rope, spend week­ends in Dubai, sum­mers in Switzer­land, and have ac­cess to the best ed­u­ca­tion in In­dia and abroad at Ivy League uni­ver­si­ties. In the vil­lages, priv­i­leged women of In­dia will nev­er see that girls their age still walk bare­foot to gov­ern­ment schools with­out func­tion­ing toi­lets.

Even fem­i­nist move­ments frac­ture: Dalit schol­ars point out how caste is erased from gen­der de­bates. Still, both groups live with­in a pa­tri­archy. A 2023 Pew sur­vey found 64 per cent of In­di­an women feel un­safe trav­el­ling alone at night.

Mo­di’s gov­ern­ment has made ef­forts: Ujjwala (clean cook­ing gas), Jan Dhan (women’s bank ac­counts), and the PM Awas Yo­jana (hous­ing schemes). But Dalit women con­tin­ue to be un­der­rep­re­sent­ed in Par­lia­ment, in me­dia, and in board­rooms. Vis­i­bil­i­ty is not pow­er.

Kam­ble’s life was hard­er, but her voice rang clear­er. Her prose was not shaped by work­shops or pub­lish­ing deals, but by the need to record. That In­dia now stud­ies her in uni­ver­si­ties—from Mum­bai to Chica­go—is a small vic­to­ry.

When the PM of In­dia ar­rived in Trinidad and To­ba­go last week, he was re­ceived by a re­pub­lic led by women: Pres­i­dent Chris­tine Kan­ga­loo, who con­ferred the Or­der of the Re­pub­lic of Trinidad and To­ba­go on him, and Prime Min­is­ter Kam­la Per­sad-Bisses­sar, who in­vit­ed him to speak. These sym­bols mat­ter. But so do the women with­out ti­tles, whose lives are rarely seen.

Baby­tai Kam­ble saw the voice­less–the in­vis­i­ble, wrote them, and in­sist­ed they mat­tered right up un­til her death in 2023.

Ira Math­ur is a Guardian Me­dia colum­nist and win­ner of the 2023 OCM Bo­cas Prize for Non-Fic­tion. Vis­it www.iras­room.org | Email: iras­room@gmail.com

Au­thor in­quiries: iras­room@gmail.com


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