At a recent exchange with Opposition Senator Wade Mark, Labour Minister Stephen Mc Clashie stated that the Government will not put forward any changes to the current Industrial Relations and Severance Benefit Acts before the election this year.
He argued that there was no time left to work on the details of potential amendments and then ‘rush them through before we have an election’ (due by the middle of the year). It might be argued that a delay of just a few more months isn’t a bad deal, especially given the sensitive nature of any major changes that might be proposed to these key labour laws.
The problem is not that. The problem is that the current PNM Government (just like the previous UNC administration) has done little or nothing to update our current labour laws, further limiting T&T’s opportunities to be competitive in a changing world.
In 2015, the UNC hurriedly introduced a bill with some piecemeal changes to the Industrial Relations Act shortly before the general election.
But the proposed amendments did not deal with any of the fundamental shortcomings of the current framework and were primarily aimed at entrenching the power of trade unions at a time when union leaders were actively campaigning against the then government.
The proposed bill lapsed and was not reintroduced. The incoming PNM government subsequently set up the National Tripartite Advisory Council to try to hammer out an agreement between labour, business and government on overall fundamental reforms to the IR framework. After some reports of initial success, this effort collapsed, with union leaders pulling out of the process, citing disrespect from the government (which, in turn, allowed the whole thing to come to a halt).
To put it simply, our labour laws are just not fit for purpose anymore, in great part because they are misaligned with today’s labour market and today’s economic landscape. For instance, our laws don’t properly recognise the different ways many want to be employed, including flexible working, something that makes our country less attractive to digital workers and makes the job market less inclusive, particularly penalising women who often must juggle their professional careers with family demands.
And then we have real aberrations from a civil liberty point of view, like the need to be unionised to have access to the Industrial Court (with a few exceptions) and the lack of freedom not to be part of a bargaining unit where there is a recognised trade union.
It doesn’t take a genius to work out that our labour laws will become even less relevant as the digital revolution takes hold, with key major developments, like artificial intelligence, upending the way we work and the way the economy operates. We are behind already with most laws when it comes to globalised supply chains, disruptive technologies, and how the world works.
New developments will set us back even further. This trend to kick complex issues down the political road is nothing new—just days ago we heard that T&TEC’s proposed energy price rises are also unlikely to happen this side of the election.
This not only adds to the financial pressures on the electricity distributor (with a knock-on impact on if or how it pays its suppliers, especially other state enterprises) but also does something that makes no financial sense, as further delays mean a de facto generous energy subsidy irrespective of whether one is rich or poor.
The country desperately needs key reforms to achieve sustainable growth in the years to come. These reforms will be crucial for generating more jobs, particularly in emerging sectors like technology and renewable energy, which have significant potential for future expansion.
For instance, despite a lot of talk, we are yet to see fundamental changes to our education system to bring it in line with what future adults will need to survive and thrive, and adult ‘on the job’ skills development for adults already in employment is also critical, as the workplace changes beyond recognition.
The reality is that, in practice, not much will happen from now until the election. Perhaps the only hope we have is by having civil society holding both main parties, the PNM and the UNC, to account by demanding what specifically they have in mind when it comes to such critical reforms like labour laws and the education system.
It will also be essential to know where both parties stand on matters such as renewable energy, the digital sector, and the future size and nature of the public sector. They must also be clear about how and when they are likely to develop, debate, and implement these changes so that we are all clear about their plans and can hold them to their pledges. And we must ensure they do not fall into the populist temptation of offering simple answers to complex issues such as T&T’s economic future.
Let us be clear on this: the kind of transformation needed won’t be easy or pain-free if we are serious about it.
Hopefully, though, most see the need for major changes to T&T, as it is clear that, as things stand, we will just plod along without the transformative changes the country needs and deserves.
More to the point: these changes are critical for generations to come, and we have a duty to meet the needs of our children and grandchildren, especially as we gradually head towards the exhaustion of the oil and gas reserves that have kept us going for the past century or so.
Many opportunities have been missed already, but a failure to urgently develop deep and meaningful reforms, such as the ones needed regarding the workforce, will only mean more years, if not decades, of political procrastination without any of the major issues being properly dealt with. And, as we all know very well, you must take in front before in front take yuh. And, if it does take us, the consequences can be catastrophic to the nation’s future.