GEISHA KOWLESSAR ALONZO
In a disclosure during T&T’s 2025 Mid-Year Budget Review last Wednesday, Attorney General John Jeremie revealed a $200 million “black hole” in legal fees within his ministry—a revelation that has ignited concerns over fiscal discipline, procurement practices and the broader culture of accountability in public finance.
Jeremie alleged that a significant portion of these fees were paid to individuals closely associated with the former prime minister, including golfing partners, before the last general election.
He emphasised that many of these payments were made without clear evidence of value received, and he has since halted the acceptance of new invoices.
With taxpayers now footing the bill, the issue raises questions about transparency and whether the public is receiving value for money.
Stakeholders including former head of Trinidad and Tobago’s Office of Procurement Regulation (OPR), Moonilal Lalchan told the Business Guardian that people may start to question whether their taxes are being put to good use, noting that this could also erode trust in public institutions.
“...It lends to no accountability, I would say, in a nutshell...No accountability could also mean corruption... It could lead to a lot of practices that are not acceptable in terms of best practice and so on, which by virtue of the looseness of the situation could lead to corruption or collusion, more or less,” Lalchan said.
He pointed to the fact that Section 7 of the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Property Act, excluded legal services meaning it is not under full scrutiny, among other services.
Stating that the the matter of the “black hole” was brought to the fore by the Attorney General, Lalchan said the AG should therefore, if he is concerned, deal with it with a level of alacrity.
Meanwhile, Afra Raymond, former president of the Joint Consultative Council for the Construction Industry (JCC), said he is not at all inspired by the disclosure of “this or that legal fee etc,” as he emphasised that what is need is a clear position from the UNC on the repeal of those “damaging” exemptions from the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Property Act (PPDPPA).
He said these must now be repealed so that the public interest could be well-served by independent oversight by the OPR, as intended when the People’s Partnership (PP), of which the current ruling United National Congress was part, passed the parent legislation – Act No 1 of 2015.
If the UNC means to do better, it has to do differently, Raymond added.
“I am referring to the fact that on Friday December 4, 2020 our Parliament passed the third set of amendments to the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Property Act (The Act). These changes were a serious blow to the long-term campaign for proper control over transactions in public money and are extremely detrimental to the public interest.
“Legal and accounting/auditing services are essential to govern transactions in public money as required by the Act, so how does one justify excluding those from OPR oversight?,” Raymond said.
He further explained that the removal of legal, accounting/auditing, medical fees and financial services from OPR oversight was risible when one considers the strong and repeated statements as to concerns over the alleged legal fees scandals.
Raymond also noted that in the “bad-old-days” of the previous PNM administration then Attorney General (AG), Faris Al Rawi, was “making a meal of the serious allegations of massive legal fees fraud against former PP AG Ananad Ramlogan SC and Gerald Ramdeen – the sum allegedly mis-appropriated was in the $1.0 billion region...at the very same time, the then Finance Minister, Colm Imbert, was exempting expenditure on legal fees from the oversight of the Office of Procurement Regulation (OPR). Literally incredible, but that is what really happened in this country.”
Now, he added there is a freshly-elected government, with its AG making “loud claims” about excessive legal fees paid by the previous PNM administration, with silence on the UNC position on those damaging 2020 exemptions from the PPDPPA.
Raymond also noted that during his 2018 litigation to obtain the Tobago Sandals MoU under the Freedom of Information Act, the State spent “six times more legal fees” than he did as the applicant, only for Deborah Peake SC to concede access to the MOU in the very first hearing.
“She spent less than 30 seconds on her feet. A total of $545,000 of public money was spent in futile attempts to conceal a document which was supposedly ‘no secret’...” he added.
Economist Dr Vanus James who also shared his insights, said sensationalism and finger pointing aside, the AG’s revelation surely exemplified the abuse of public trust by a Cabinet and, as in all such cases, should raise alarm bells.
“This is especially true in the context of the current economic crisis and budget exigencies of the country,” he added.
However, he also echoed that citizens have a much bigger fish to fry -the absence of proper constitutional mechanisms for effective accountability, transparency and oversight of the Cabinet and its management of Parliament’s legislative and executive functions.
“The real problem highlighted by the ‘black hole’ is that Cabinet controls everything under the authority given by Section 75(1) of our constitution.
“It can block the flow of information to the public, including information provided by whistleblowers. It can prevent scrutiny of its executive decisions. It can prevent action on revelations by the Auditor General. And, since it also controls lawmaking, it can prevent the enactment of legislation to set limits on its capacity to abuse power and hoodwink all interested stakeholders. In other words, there is no proper constitutional arrangement for oversight of the Cabinet, none for giving real effect to the much touted ‘collective accountability’ to Parliament,” James explained.
Going forward
Clear guidelines.
This was the recommendation from Lalchan as he maintained, “ Without any clear guidelines, they can go about and choose whichever lawyer they want for whatever reason and so there is no guideline to support it.”
Lalchan, who left office in 2023, said he would have been on record as saying that he did not agree with those exemptions from under the Act.
“And I think now that these figures are coming out in the open, you see reasons why there should be protection as to how we spend taxpayers’ money and not just have these exemptions without any guidelines,” he added.
While his office had supported many of the changes, Lalchan specifically objected to the amendment of Section 7.2, which exempts Government-to-Government contracts from oversight. He emphasised that these were not recommendations from his office and aligned himself with civil society groups opposing that change
In offering his take on a possible solution he said either have the legislation backed up by proper guidelines or repeal those amendments.
BOX
“...Exclusion of Services
The insertion Section 7(5) of the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Property Act, 2015 of T&T.
This section was introduced to provide exemptions for certain services when they are rendered to public bodies or state-owned enterprises. Essentially, it means that not all services provided to these entities are subject to the full scope of the procurement rules under the Act.
This created exemptions for these services provided to ‘public bodies or state-owned enterprises’ –
· (a) legal services;
· (b) debt financing services for the national budget;
· (c) accounting and auditing services;
· (d) medical emergency or other scheduled medical services; or
· (e) such other services as the Minister may, by Order, determine.