At 5.30 am, Keisha Levine stood stranded on the priority bus route in Arima, watching her son anxiously check his watch ahead of a crucial regional exam—a quiet, stressful moment that was soon multiplied by the thousands as Monday’s maxi-taxi strike left working-class commuters across Trinidad completely gridlocked.
The mass withdrawal of service by the Association of Maxi Taxi T&T (AMTTT) turned major transport hubs like City Gate into ghost towns, leaving working-class citizens scrambling and forcing secondary school students onto congested roads to seek alternative transit.
The crisis has reignited a fierce national debate surrounding state transport policy and has laid bare deep structural weaknesses in T&T’s public transport system, with transportation consultant Dr Trevor Townsend warning that the disruption reflects decades of neglect and the absence of a unified authority to manage the sector.
While frustrated commuters faced long queues and lost wages, transport analysts warned against framing the protest as an act of bad faith by operators.
Speaking on the mechanics of the crisis, Rohan Sinanan, who served as minister of works and transport from October 2015 to April 2015, emphasised that transportation operates as the absolute lifeblood of a national economy.
When it is disrupted, the shockwaves are felt immediately across every sector, from businesses losing man-hours to patients missing critical hospital appointments.
“I would not lightly support any action that leaves commuters stranded or causes hardship to the public,” Sinanan stated, adding, “However, from what has been reported, the issues raised by the maxi-taxi operators are not frivolous. They relate to matters such as the regulation of PH (private hire) vehicles, access arrangements, safety and security, the cost of operating, terminal conditions, payments for school transport services, and the need for commitments made in meetings to be converted into actual decisions and implementation.”
According to Sinanan, the descent into a national strike reflects a fundamental breakdown in communication, shared goals and active implementation within the current administrative framework.
He noted that during his ministerial tenure, the state maintained an open-door policy, actively utilising the maxi taxi advisory committee to address grievances before they reached a flashpoint.
“From my experience with the maxi-taxi associations, these are not stakeholders who ideally want to reach the stage of withholding service,” Sinanan said as he added, “They know their importance to the travelling public. If they have reached this point, it suggests that the formal structures for dialogue and follow-through have not worked as they should. The maxi-taxi sector was designed to combine Government’s regulatory role with private initiative. Over time, it has grown into an indispensable part of public transport. It therefore has to be treated as a partner in the national transportation system, not as an afterthought.”
This view is shared by Townsend, a former general manager of Public Transport Service Corporation (PTSC), who argued that successive administrations have spent decades operating in a short-sighted “crisis mode,” treating private transit operators—who run a vibrant, multi-million dollar industry—as a policy afterthought while pouring massive taxpayer funds into state services that barely move the population.
“The problem is they have a major supply of transport that has been, from what they are saying, ignored by the administration,” Townsend explained, stating, “Successive governments have really not put in place what should be done to properly plan, manage and administer the public transport system. They tend to focus only on PTSC, which is a small player, although it takes a lot of money from the taxpayer.”
The ‘PH’ hazard
This structural neglect has regular, dangerous consequences for the travelling public.
As formal, legal operators strike over unaddressed grievances—including frozen highway speed limits, escalating crime and broken financial promises—a regulatory vacuum opens. This vacuum has cleared the way for illegal, completely unmonitored “PH” cars to step in and exploit desperate commuters.
“Why has PH become necessary? What is the gap in the public transport system that is not being filled by legal operators, and why has that been allowed to flourish without anybody doing anything about it?” Townsend asked, warning of the severe human cost of an unmanaged network. “We are one more murder of some poor young lady who happened to enter the wrong PH car away from another public outcry about why is this allowed to happen. A taxi driver has to have his taxi badge. A PH driver is anybody who just picks up anybody.”
The illusion of the PTSC safety net
A central point of friction in national transit policy is the state-backed PTSC.
Whenever private operators withdraw their services, the public looks to the state buses to fill the void. However, both Townsend and Sinanan dismiss the idea that PTSC can act as an effective safety net during a crisis.
Townsend shared that data from a 2019 market share study revealed that PTSC captures a mere two per cent of daily commuters nationwide. The remaining 98 per cent rely entirely on private maxis and taxis.
“PTSC has an important role to play, but PTSC and the maxi-taxi sector were never intended to be simple substitutes for each other,” Sinanan explained, adding that they should ideally operate as complementary parts of a broader hub-and-spoke system.
In this model, PTSC would provide structured bus services on major corridors and strategic routes, while maxi-taxis provide flexible, high-volume service across established route bands and communities.
Sinanan admitted that PTSC continues to face deep structural challenges, inclusive of an ageing fleet, a wide variety of bus makes and models, difficulties in maintaining such a diverse fleet, and operational systems that do not support maximum efficiency.
While projects were advanced during his tenure to purchase 100 new buses and evaluate energy-efficient fleets under an inter-ministerial team, the legacy constraints remain heavy.
“No realistic assessment would suggest that PTSC, with its known constraints, could simply absorb the full passenger load of the maxi-taxi system during a national strike,” Sinanan stated.
He declined to quote a single figure for the annual maintenance cost of the corporation without verifying specific fiscal years, but acknowledged that the operational allocation runs deep into the hundreds of millions of dollars annually.
“It is important to understand that public transport is not judged only by whether it makes a profit. Around the world, public transport is subsidised because it supports productivity, education, access to work, social mobility and economic activity.”
The core problem, according to Townsend, is the inefficient nature of these state subsidies. He drew a sharp distinction between “user subsidies”—which lower fares for vulnerable populations—and “producer subsidies,” which insulate state agencies from their own operational inefficiencies.
Reflecting on his tenure at PTSC in the 1990s, Townsend noted that the corporation once aimed to operate with an annual state subsidy of less than $100 million, with the ultimate goal of achieving self-sufficiency. Today, state spending heavily funds producer subsidies instead of targeted consumer relief. Townsend pointed to historical studies conducted on national transit costs to illustrate the disparity. The true operational cost for a single passenger trip on the state-run water taxi service sits at roughly $120.
Broken promises and deteriorating hubs
The lack of an empowered institutional framework has directly led to the physical decline of transit infrastructure.
Commuters and operators alike have long complained about the squalid, unsafe conditions at major transport terminals. While Sinanan noted that the Public Sector Investment Programme (PSIP) funded security fencing, booth upgrades, and internal road works at PTSC during his term, he acknowledged that major projects like the comprehensive City Gate upgrades and the Arima transport hub remained incomplete works in progress.
“The approach being pursued was to deal with these issues as part of a wider transportation framework,” Sinanan said, referencing past policy documents that sought to introduce a “chequered band” system to handle underserved, last-mile routes, regularise the red-band pass system, and grant green band maxis access to specific sections of the Priority Bus Route.
The abandonment or slow implementation of these long-term frameworks has left operators angry and distrustful. The primary grievance triggering the current strike involves the state’s failure to pay maxi-taxi operators contracted by the Ministry of Education to transport school children, with some outstanding payments stretching back for months.
“Those maxi-taxis who are contracted to provide services to school children on behalf of the ministry, they have not been paid for months,” Townsend said adding, “And this is a contractual relationship. I know that system, because when I was in PTSC, we started that system, and we never had that problem. That was way back in the 1990s. So that is just one example of the problem. They’re not being irrational.”
The institutional solution: A Transit Authority
To break the exhausting cycle of transit strikes, emergency ministerial interventions, and stranded citizens, T&T must transition away from ad-hoc management. The current system relies on a revolving door of Cabinet committees and public servants who lack specialised expertise in transport logistics. When policy shifts with every administrative cycle, long-term asset management planning becomes completely impossible.
“If I ask you a question, who is in charge of public transport in this country?” Townsend asked. “And if you tell me it’s the Minister of Transport, I would say the Minister is in Cabinet. And so who is running it on a day-to-day basis? Who is planning it on a day-to-day basis? We have institutions to build highways, to build drains, to provide water. We have no institution responsible for public transport.”
The long-term roadmap requires the immediate enactment of the National Transportation Policy and the finalisation of a 20-year National Transportation Plan, which was previously advanced in discussions with international funding agencies like the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and CAF.
The crown jewel of this policy reform is the formal establishment of an independent transit authority. This statutory body would remove transit planning from the immediate political arena, placing it in the hands of logistics professionals, urban planners, and transport economists.
Sinanan insisted that “the transport sector should not be managed by the whim and fancy of any political director or any one person’s personality. It requires policy, data, statistics, interconnectivity, and sustained dialogue.”
