Politicians often invoke military language to galvanise public support. In the United States, Lyndon Johnson used the term “war” to introduce his “Great Society” legislative programme during his 1964 State of the Union Address. His “War on Poverty” was the unofficial name for legislation to address the US national poverty rate, which was around 19 per cent at the time. The “War on Crime” referred to his efforts to modernise law enforcement and reduce urban violence.
Following Johnson’s precedent, the efforts to eradicate the illegal drug trade in the US became the “War on Drugs”, and the “post-9/11” response became the “War on Terror”. The War on Terror expanded the remit of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) from money laundering to terrorism financing, making it a cornerstone of global counterterrorism strategy by embedding security imperatives into financial regulation. Anti-money laundering legislation, asset seizure and forfeiture legislation, and the regulation of charities and not-for-profit organisations are all part of an international regulatory framework that stems from this anti-terrorism effort.
FATF serves as a global governance mechanism that extends US and allied security concerns into international finance and forces states to comply if they wish to remain part of the global trade and finance framework. Our politicians have never made it clear why compliance is a cost of remaining part of the international financial system. Small states must sometimes make difficult compromises to maintain or promote their countries’ best interests. At other times, they may have more flexibility.
As relations between the United States and Venezuela deteriorated, the US approach to Venezuela has hardened, and the discourse between them has coarsened. The US naval task force deployment and its destruction of three Venezuelan fishing boats with passengers and crew were military actions with no declaration of war. These actions are incompatible with international law. Former Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte is before the ICC for similar extrajudicial killings.
Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar reaffirmed her support for the US actions at the United Nations General Assembly, arguing that Trinidad and Tobago has suffered massively from cartel violence. Endorsing US actions in eliminating suspected drug traffickers begs the question as to whether these tactics are to be replicated in T&T. The other consideration is our relationship with Venezuela. A junior minister inflamed tensions with a senseless Facebook rant, notwithstanding his subsequent apology. Is this the best option for a small nation sandwiched between two powerful adversaries, one having the most powerful army in the world and the other your next-door neighbour?
Is T&T prepared for an influx of Venezuelan migrants should things deteriorate? What if the Venezuelan Coast Guard aggressively “patrols” our maritime borders? Is the T&T Coast Guard ready? In September 2024, the Chief of Defence Staff, Air Vice Marshall Darryl Daniel, publicly acknowledged that the eight larger vessels of the Coast Guard were non-functional and were undergoing repairs and recertification. Newspaper reports suggest that the other arms of the Defence Force are in a similar state of unpreparedness.
Inflaming tensions with Venezuela may arouse nationalism, but it is pointless if it amounts to nothing more than “robber” talk. T&T lacks the capacity for escalation dominance, and it is unclear that we can rely on US support. Therefore, T&T should avoid unnecessary exposure. Aggressive rhetoric may serve a political purpose, but only prudent policy, wise leadership, efficient management, and a productive citizenry can move a country toward prosperity and stability. Hopefully, the 2026 Budget will point in that direction.