Tony Rakhal-Fraser
Do general, parliamentary, local elections have the capacity to deliver democratic government to a population and society? It is a question I have been mulling, with reference to T&T and elsewhere. The holding of “free and fair” elections is supposed to give credence to a democratic system of governance. However, after the elections, people are left on the sidelines with power only to engage in fruitless complaints about poor quality government, corruption and more.
Modern forms of elections to place representatives in a Parliament emerged in the 17th and 18th centuries in Europe and America as a means of determining the will of the people, and to allow them to participate in their governance. Europe was emerging from the Dark Ages and into the Renaissance and the Age of Enlightenment. Individual and collective freedom, the development and appreciation of art, an escape from ignorance to explore scientific knowledge, and to move away from domination by Feudal Lords to Parliaments demanded that people begin to participate in government.
Modern Parliaments are constituted of elected individuals who are in theory representative of the people who elect them. Such representatives are required to reflect the will, ambitions and objectives of their constituents in policy making and programmes for the development of the national community and individual constituencies.
Those objectives, however, can best be achieved through constant quality interaction between the representatives and the electorate in a process of interaction which starts even before the polls are taken.
It is clear that our system of campaigning for elections and the governance and institutional structure existing for the effective and participatory functioning of government does not now exist. After the election, the interaction between representatives and constituents is relegated to once-a-week meetings in which complaints and petitions are taken note of, and additional promises made with a few handouts given to the most indigent (“hard-up”) in the constituency.
From the selection of candidates through electioneering and campaigning, there exist dichotomies between the ideal and the practices adopted. Campaign platforms are laced with unreality and mauvais langue against the opposing parties and candidates. Candidates and party spokesmen toss around idealistic and generalised policies and programmes as the bases for their election. Post-election, campaign promises do not square with resources held by the State and the capacity for producing and implementing the promissory notes which littered the campaign ground.
One of Dr Williams’ and the PNM’s major platform promises of the 1956 election campaign was to end corruption which festered in the colonial administration. In the 2010 campaign the People's Partnership platform resonated with claims of the corruption of Manning’s PNM; by 2015, the PNM voices echoed with mass corruption charges against the PP/UNC 2010-2015. Promises were made to “lock up” Madame and Mr X. The same rhetoric is being spewed by the UNC as 2020 and fresh elections approach—nobody in jail.
Every government over the last 15 years was elected on the basis of having the solution to conquering criminality; the criminal culture has become endemic, indicative of the uselessness of elections as a vital first step to achieving stated objectives.
The recent declaration of the political leader of the UNC, Kamla Persad-Bissessar, that her party will follow PNM’s Patrick Manning when he said a few elections ago that the party would contest alone, win or lose alone is instructive.
The declaration says our two major parties have confessed not to be able to represent the national interest. In Government and Opposition, the two parties blame each other for adorning their constituencies with the spoils of the nation while starving the other half of the nation. Tribalism is on full display.
Elections, therefore, do not assist with achieving objectives which are in the national interest; they tear the nation apart.
To be continued.
