The Tobago House of Assembly has been granted $2.357 billion of the expenditure in the 2021-22 National Budget of $52.4 billion, which works out, Minister Imbert tells us, at 4.5 per cent. We don’t know what formula he used and he has never told us, but what is clear is that 4.5 per cent is bigger than 4.03 per cent–by a measly 0.47 percentage points–which the Dispute Resolution Commission ruled into law in 2000 should be the minimum percentage, and 6.9 the maximum, that the Government should allocate to the THA.
Since 2001, the Government has been making sure that its allocation to Tobago does not fall below 4.03, and while the allocation has generally been greater than 4.03, the increase has never been significant. It has never, for example, risen to five per cent, which is the approximate figure mi bredren Vanus calculates it should be this year if Imbert used a formula consisting of each citizen being assigned the same share of the national recurrent expenditure based on the size of the country’s population, with Tobago’s slice of that population being approximately 66,000, assuming that the island’s population growth rate of 12.55 per cent in the decade leading up to the 2011 census was maintained up to 2020.
So, since 2001, no PNM Government–and all the governments save one, and all the THAs, have been PNM ones–has gone to five per cent. Indeed, Orville London, Chief Secretary for 16 straight years, religiously announced himself as satisfied with whatever minimums PNM Finance Ministers (but not the People’s Partnership one!) doled out.
Without a doubt, there has been stasis all along, and the question arises, How could Tobago’s development and, by extension, the country’s, have been advanced in a context of static annual shares of the national budget?
Following London’s practice, Finance and Economy Secretary, Joel Jack announced himself satisfied, but Tobago PNM leader, Tracy Davidson-Celestine conceded that 4.5 per cent was too small, though, in an amazing release of political narcissism, she blamed the PDP and UNC for it.
It is indeed too small, especially the allocation of $264 million for development spending, in the current political context where thousands of voices in Tobago are calling for equality of status with Trinidad and greater self-determination.
More pertinently, the measly and miserly allocation is coming in a context where everybody in Tobago now knows that there are substantial amounts of gas and oil in the nation’s maritime space that is undeniably closer to Tobago as land than Trinidad as land.
How does a government and a party that has presided over Tobago’s affairs for so long–and kept it dependent, mendicant, and static–cannot go to higher points in the 4.03-6.9 allocation range, say the 6.8 per cent it proposed in the Constitution Amendment and Island Government Bills, to spur Tobago’s long overdue development?
How does this Government and party watch Tobagonian citizens in the face and tell us it will continue with the policy of keeping the island in stasis even as it proposes in bills before the Parliament that Tobago should get at least 6.8 per cent?
And no, I am not forgetting that the Assembly has powers to borrow both locally and internationally. But I also know that in 20 years, the PNM-led Assembly has not been able to borrow significantly to invest for capital development, income generation, and export. There is no finished product it can point to. It has borrowed some $161 million at an interest rate of 4.5 per cent but the public does not know what it is spending the money on and how it is going to repay it and make the debt sustainable if its rate of growth, stymied by its economic dependency on Trinidad over the years, is smaller than the borrowing rate (unless the Government takes responsibility for the obligations arising).
Further, there’s the small problem of the Government/Cabinet having to approve of Assembly borrowings. If you are the Government of Tobago but your borrowing is controlled by somebody else, how can you be innovative and self-confident?
When will this autocratic, if not tyrannical, determination and oversight of Tobago’s budget end?
And when will the structural drift of large proportions of the Tobagonian population to Trinidad and beyond and, consequently, loss of future generations end?
There is a principle enshrined in Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which speaks to citizen entitlement to the same government services. Here it is: Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.
Without prejudice to other citizens, does Imbert’s 4.5 per cent of the budget to the THA satisfy this right of equal access to government services by Tobagonians?
