Tony Rakhal-Fraser
The polity that is Trinidad and Tobago is going through (and not for the first time) the experience of the one political half of the country, Indo-Trinidad, taking over from the other political half, Afro-Trinidad. More precisely, the political factions should be divided up in thirds, as that other segment consistently stays away from the electoral polls and mass unflinching support for the tribal parties.
As with previous occasions, an attempt is in progress to establish dominant cultural, economic, sociological, and religious control to shift the centre of gravity of the country from the tribal north to the tribal south.
Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar has taken the Prime Minister’s office to Philippine; she even had her “man of business minister” condemn the official quarters of the Prime Minister as being “unfit for occupation”, thus giving credential support to the decision to locate at her home and office in the south. The above and more were telegraphed early in coming to office when the PM announced to those who may not have been aware that there exists a T&T and life beyond the lighthouse at the outward limits of the City of Port-of-Spain.
Early on, the PM established her working concept, an ideological position really, of “fairness” as a fundamental pillar of her government to achieve. The statement being that the population outside of the city limits has not been considered fully as part of the whole and so has been deprived of resources and recognition.
In the process of achieving such a goal, the PM had the Governor of the Central Bank fired ostensibly on the basis of his refusal to provide information on which elements of the business community were having first and advantageous preference to the foreign exchange.
The underlying belief is that the big city corporations have first and preferential access to the foreign exchange of the economy.
Easy access to university education has been another attempt to allow for law students of the South and Deep South to remain close to home at the UWI South Campus. And she was not joking about having the Penal/Debe campus become functional, as she threatened to take charge of the faculty from the UWI principal and administration if it failed to do so.
The strategic shift in the power base held in previous terms by Afros in the state enterprises sector has been self-evident. The state board directors and significant positions in the state apparatus, once the alleged sole possession of the Afro-Trini segment of the population, have been turned into an Indo-hegemony. One of the trade union leaders who combined with the UNC to win the election has called out what he considers to be overwhelming and unfair appointments, which have left labour leaders out of power.
PM Persad-Bissessar even got seriously disappointed about her ministers who were, or intending to engage in corrupt activities in the city at the Hyatt with her famous “buss head” threat. She was highly indignant that the northern venue, where the “corrupt PNM” carried out their deals, continued to be the rendezvous point for her ministers seeking to pattern themselves on what she may have considered a northern culture of corruption.
There still hangs the feeling that the cancellation of the Independence Day parade was an attempt to shift the focus from the north, more so because there have been no explosions or attacks; even the Commissioner of Police seemed unaware of any special danger that could have posed a threat to national security if the Independence Parade had been held as usual.
A major shift in the country’s traditional close alignment, indeed in being a leader in Caricom foreign policy positions, programmes and policies, has been dictated by the Prime Minister. She has gone as far as saying that the rest of Caricom can pursue regionalism while her interests are those of T&T. She has dismissed the Caricom policy of keeping the Caribbean Sea as a Zone of Peace against the eruption of state-led violence in the waters of the region.
As a means of pursuing the objective of having the USA grant OFAC licences to the Dragon Gas project, the PM has also shifted from the traditional T&T-Caricom policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign countries, with zealous support and advocacy for the US battleships to deal violently with Venezuela’s alleged narco-traffickers.
The assault on the URP/CEPEP programmes with their greater concentrations in the north and up the East-West Corridor is another major example of a removal of resources from what can be considered PNM territory.
Emerging most recently are the still-to-be-fully-identified alternative employment opportunities, said to number 20,000. How and for what purpose the employment programme is to be put; what kinds of skills they will attract; and how jobs are to be distributed will tell interesting stories.
The most recent appointment of a new Chief Justice is very clearly a major movement to shift judicial power away from a perceived focus in the north.
I shall continue.
Tony Rakhal-Fraser is a freelance journalist, former reporter/current affairs programme host and news director at TTT, programme producer/current affairs director at Radio Trinidad, correspondent for the BBC Caribbean Service and the Associated Press, and graduate of UWI, CARIMAC, Mona and the St Augustine–Institute of International Relations.
