Raphael John-Lall
The Nicolás Maduro’s Government is likely to accept whatever terms are offered if negotiations between Venezuela and T&T for the Venezuelan owned Dragón gas fields begin and are successfully completed.
This is the view of US energy economist Francisco Monaldi who justified his position in an interview with the Business Guardian.
Monaldi is a lecturer in energy economics at Rice University’s Department of Economics, and a lecturer in energy management at the Jones Graduate School of Business in the United States.
Last week Tuesday, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio met Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar in Washington DC, supporting the Government’s Dragón gas proposal and steps to ensure it will not provide significant benefit to the Venezuelan Government.
In April, the Donald Trump administration revoked the licence that was supposed to allow T&T’s National Gas Company (NGC) to exploit the Dragón field in Venezuelan waters, as part of its strategy to pressure Caracas.
Upon her return to T&T from the US, Persad-Bissessar made it clear she is willing to visit Caracas to begin negotiations.
Monaldi who has followed the negotiations between T&T and Venezuela over years called the latest development “surprising and interesting.”
“I think the key elements here are that clearly we’re going back to the scenario in which the original licence that was provided to T&T and to Shell was given, meaning that they cannot pay, at least not in cash.”
He then explained why the Venezuelan Government would accept such a proposal.
“Well, they are not renouncing their taxes and royalties, but they know that at the beginning there has to be some significant investment and it will take years for them anyway to receive money. So, they prefer this to happen than nothing at all. And of course, the interpretation is that if Maduro accepts this, as I think he probably will, it is because he feels a lot of pressure from the United States and not many options. He doesn’t feel that he has leverage.”
He also said that the multinational energy companies involved would have to analyse how they would benefit.
“In addition, of course, the investors, Shell and BP, for example, need to evaluate if this situation is likely to last in terms of the willingness of the US administration to provide a licence. I think, as I mentioned before, they need a long-term licence. So, so far, what Secretary Rubio seems to be signalling is a licence to do this renegotiation, to open the conversations, get a draft of a new agreement. And then that will be ratified or not by the US Government.”
Monaldi completed his analysis by saying he is “optimistic” about these potential negotiations.
“So, I think you can be more optimistic, without a doubt, because this is a very public step by the Secretary of State, giving the green light to keep negotiating. And that seemed unlikely in the last couple of months. But at the same time, there are a lot of agreements to be made and potential hurdles. But having said that, I think the final question is, are the investments going to happen? Are the companies going to get long-term licences that make them secure or at least reduce the risk that they will face in terms of this US sanction issue.”
Venezuela’s position
Luis Pietro, who is a Venezuelan engineer and natural gas specialist, believes that the current T&T Government led by Persad-Bissessar is not interested in any serious negotiations with Venezuela over its cross-border gas reserves, until the present Venezuelan Government is gone.
Pietro expressed his views in a report entitled “The Trinidad and Tobago Dilemma: Venezuelan Gas as a Solution, Waiting for a Political Change to Negotiate?”
Venezuelan newspaper El Ultimas Noticias published a summary of his report on September 28.
In the column, Prieto argued that T&T’s Prime Minister expressed her authorisation for eventual US military operations at sea to continue the “siege against Venezuela.”
“The desire for a change of government driven by a paradoxical military intervention in Venezuela has led the Trinidad and Tobago Government to dream of very attractive volumes of gas for the Caribbean nation’s economic future,” he said.
Given this complex scenario, he pointed out that T&T’s Government proceeded to hold business rounds to offer the various blocks in ultra-deep waters, which, beyond the difficulty posed by the deepwater surface, are also affected by the instability in the region resulting from the US presence through its military forces in the Caribbean Sea and ExxonMobil, and Venezuela’s claim to sovereignty over its Atlantic coast, generated by the Essequibo territory.
The Venezuelan energy specialist corroborates his hypothesis with the results of the 2025 Deepwater Competitive Bidding Round, conducted by T&T, which offered 26 blocks. Only four bids were received, despite the attractive 2025 Production Sharing Model (PSC). The Government’s expectations were not met, he argued.
In that round, he said T&T received bids from China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) for three blocks and from a consortium of smaller energy companies for another block.
Despite T&T’s Government’s efforts to attract significant bids, these proposals were only submitted for the four available deepwater oil and gas blocks.
He notes that the limited number of bids suggests that foreign investors were not enthusiastic about this round. One possible reason, he points out, in addition to the geological complexity and technical challenges of deepwater drilling, is Exxon Mobil’s strong presence and recent investments in the region.
He argued that the gas shortage in T&T is “critical.”
“The only gas liquefaction and export plant, Atlantic LNG, has faced serious problems due to the decline in domestic production and the current gas shortage. The most logical and immediate solution to overcome this crisis was an agreement with Venezuela. However, the promise of an initial US$42 million investment by Exxon Mobil could be postponing, or even precluding, any business with Venezuela.”
He continued by saying as a direct result of the natural gas shortage, Atlantic LNG’s capacity has been severely impacted, leading to the permanent shutdown of one of its four liquefaction trains.
“This situation highlights the vulnerability of Trinidad and Tobago’s energy infrastructure and its growing dependence on geopolitical decisions and the influence of large international corporations. Liquefied natural gas exports account for approximately 50 per cent of Trinidad and Tobago’s GDP; therefore, its reliance on its sole liquefaction facility is essential for the Caribbean nation.”
On a more positive note, he reminded readers that after 22 years, ExxonMobil returned to T&T with an initial investment of US$42 million, adding that competition from gas and oil companies with a company of this magnitude may have discouraged other potential investors, who fear a disadvantage in a market where a dominant player is capable of reducing production in neighbouring fields.
Prieto points out that the recent auction of energy blocks in T&T opens a new chapter in the geopolitical complexities of the region.
“Without a doubt, Trinidad and Tobago’s search for new sources of gas is a challenge, especially since its territorial waters could contain reserves in ultra-deep waters. This not only entails great technical complexity but also significant investments, at a time when gas prices in key markets like Asia have stabilised after the pandemic.”