Mickela Panday
At the time of writing this op-ed, the Government is on its way to Parliament, hoping to extend the State of Emergency. When a government asks Parliament to extend a State of Emergency, it is asking the people for more than time; it is asking for trust. Trust that extraordinary powers will not become ordinary. Trust that the suspension of freedoms will bring security, not silence.
That is why the move by the Government to seek a further three-month extension of the SoE requires a clear-eyed, honest national conversation about whether this measure is working, what it has achieved, and most importantly, what comes next.
If the last few months have shown us anything, it is that the SoE has not stopped the bloodshed, and the violence continues. Families are still mourning, communities and villages remain fearful, and citizens are left wondering what difference all this has truly made.
The country was told that the SoE would help the security forces “stabilise the situation”. But an SoE is not a crime plan; it is a temporary pause, a tool of last resort. The question now is, pause for what? What reforms, what strategy, and what plan are being implemented in this extended period of restricted liberty?
The truth is, after almost 10 years in Opposition, this Government campaigned heavily on the issue of crime and on the failures of its predecessor to deal with it. That message helped bring them into office. Yet, months later, we have yet to see or hear a comprehensive crime plan, neither short-term nor long-term.
The recent national budget, presented in Parliament, offered the perfect opportunity for the Government to outline its approach to tackling violent crime, youth delinquency, gang recruitment, and the breakdown of community policing. Instead, the issue was barely mentioned. Even more concerning, neither of the two ministers now charged with security portfolios, Homeland Security and Defence, contributed to the budget debate at all.
That silence speaks volumes. Citizens deserve more; they deserve competent, strategic leadership. After a decade preparing for government, one would expect that the day they took office, a crime plan would be ready to execute, as the UNC did in 1995 when they hit the ground running with tangible anti-crime initiatives. People began to feel safer with murders at a record low.
Instead, today we have confusion, overlapping responsibilities, and a public relations approach that relies on press releases rather than results. No amount of press statements can give citizens the comfort that the Government knows what it is doing. Right now, the approach feels scattered, and the ship feels rudderless.
We cannot expect a State of Emergency, or another nation’s intervention, to solve our problems here at home. Security begins with strategy, not declarations. Every citizen understands the fear that has gripped this nation. We have all felt that quiet dread of hearing another gunshot, seeing another headline, losing another young life.
No one denies that crime must be confronted urgently and decisively. But in doing so, we must never forget that our democracy is measured by how we respond when fear tempts us to abandon it.
Emergency powers may be necessary in exceptional moments, but they must never replace sound governance. Every time we turn to an SoE as a shortcut, we normalise a dangerous habit, using emergency law to paper over the cracks of policy failure.
If the Government is asking citizens to sacrifice liberty for safety, then it must show clearly how that sacrifice will lead to results. What are the measurable targets? How many illegal firearms have been removed? What community programmes have been initiated to prevent young men from entering gangs? What reforms have been made to improve detection rates, court backlogs, or witness protection? A government that asks for extraordinary powers must be prepared to offer extraordinary transparency.
When Parliament debates this extension, the issue is not about supporting or opposing security forces; all right-thinking citizens support them. The issue is whether the executive branch can justify continuing to operate under emergency law without a clear exit plan.
Parliament’s role is not to rubber-stamp; it is to scrutinise. It is to ensure that, even in crisis, the rule of law remains our compass. Supporting the SoE blindly is not patriotism; demanding accountability is.
The public mood today is not one of defiance but of disappointment. People want to believe that their leaders have a plan. They want to feel that someone is in charge, not just reacting to each new headline. When a nation begins to feel rudderless, that is when cynicism sets in. That is when hopelessness takes root. And that is when crime, corruption, and despair feed off each other like a slow poison.
If this Government truly wants to restore public confidence, it must begin by doing three simple things: table a clear national security plan with short-, medium- and long-term goals, timelines and measurable outcomes; invest in prevention, not just punishment, by strengthening community policing, youth engagement, rehabilitation and job creation; and commit to transparency through regular public reporting on what progress has been made under emergency powers.
A country does not fail when there is crime; it fails when people no longer believe their leaders can solve it. The State of Emergency may extend for three months, but fear cannot be our permanent state. True security will not come from soldiers on corners or headlines about arrests. It will come when people once again feel that their government is guiding the ship, not drifting with the tide.
Mickela Panday is political leader of the Patriotic Front and an attorney.
Email: patriotic.front.tt@gmail.com
